had been alerted to the presence of the cell in Vienna by a foreign intelligence service that Kessler, for understandable reasons, could not identify. As for the successful operation outside the synagogue, it was a strictly Austrian affair carried out by the EKO Cobra division of the Federal Police. It was, Kessler concluded with admirable sincerity, “EKO Cobra’s finest hour.”
Naturally, the press was drawn to the one aspect of the story where Kessler had been most evasive—the source of the intelligence that had led to the successful operation. Kessler and the rest of the Austrian security establishment held fast to their refusal to comment, but within forty-eight hours, numerous unnamed “intelligence sources” were quietly giving credit to the CIA. Once again, the television terrorism analysts questioned the accuracy of the reports, saying it was far more likely that the information had come from Israel. On the record, the Israelis refused to comment. Privately, however, they swore it wasn’t true.
The matter did not die there. In fact, it took on new life the very next morning when
Needless to say, much of the Islamic world was soon boiling over with a sacred rage directed at Israel, its intelligence service, and, by extension, their new friends the Austrians. Newspapers across the Middle East declared the killings a wanton act of murder and challenged the Austrians to produce the bomb vests allegedly worn by the four “martyrs.” When Kessler did just that, the Arab press declared the vests fraudulent. And when Kessler released carefully edited photographs of the bodies that clearly showed the four men laden with bombs, the Arab world declared those fraudulent, too. It saw the hidden hand of Israel in the killings, and for once it was absolutely and entirely correct.
It was against this unsettled backdrop that Massoud Rahimi, Iran’s kidnapped diplomat, was found wandering handcuffed and blindfolded in a pasture in the far north of Germany. He told the German police that he had escaped from his captors, but in a statement, the Iranian Liberation Army said they had released Massoud for “humanitarian reasons.” The next morning, looking a few pounds thinner but otherwise in good health, Massoud appeared before the cameras in Tehran, flanked by the Iranian president and the chief of his service. Massoud offered few details about his time in captivity, except to say that, in general terms, he was well treated. His chief appeared somewhat skeptical, as did the Iranian president, who vowed that those behind the kidnapping would be severely punished.
The threat of Iranian retaliation was not taken lightly, especially within the corridors of King Saul Boulevard. For the most part, though, the Office celebrated the success of the operation. Lives had been saved, an old adversary had been severely compromised, and a lucrative fund-raising network for Hezbollah lay in ruins. If there was one factor that diminished their mood, however, it was the fact that His Holiness Pope Paul VII was scheduled to land at Ben Gurion Airport in less than a week. Given the overall turbulence in the region, Uzi Navot thought it might be wise for the Vatican to consider postponing the trip, a sentiment shared by the prime minister and the rest of his fractious cabinet. But who was going to tell the pope not to come to the Holy Land? They had but one candidate. A fallen angel in black. A sinner in the city of saints.
Father Mark was waiting for Gabriel just inside the Bronze Doors. He escorted him up the steps of the Scala Regia, across the cobblestones of the Cortile di San Damaso, and, eventually, upstairs to the private apartments of the pope. Donati was seated behind the desk in his office. It was a simple, high-ceilinged room with whitewashed walls and shelves lined with books on canon law. Framed photographs stood in neat rows atop the credenza. Most showed Donati standing discreetly at the side of his master at historic moments of the papacy. One photo, however, seemed curiously out of place—a younger version of Donati, soiled and smiling without reservation, his arm flung across the shoulder of a bookish young priest.
“That’s Father José Martinez,” Donati explained. “We’d just finished building a schoolhouse in our village in El Salvador. It was taken a week before his murder.” He studied Gabriel’s face for a moment and then frowned. “You look the way I did when I came out of El Salvador one step ahead of the death squads.”
“It’s been a busy few weeks since I left Rome.”
“So I’ve been reading,” Donati said. “An art theft in France, an explosion at a gallery in St. Moritz, a kidnapped Iranian diplomat, and a dramatic counterterrorism operation in the heart of Vienna. To the uninitiated, these events might appear unrelated. But to someone like me, they appear to have one thing in common.”
It was approaching six o’clock, and the sun was dipping below the rooftops and domes of Rome’s historic center. As Gabriel spoke, the soft sienna light drained slowly from the office until it was cloaked in a confessional gloom. Dressed in his black cassock, Donati might have been invisible were it not for the ember of his cigarette. At the conclusion of Gabriel’s account, he sat for several minutes in a penitential silence before walking over to the window. Directly below was the Bastion of Nicholas V, the medieval tower that now served as headquarters of the Vatican Bank.
“Can you prove any of it?”
“There’s the kind of proof that will stand up in a court of law. And then there’s the kind of proof that’s good enough to make a problem go away.”
“What are you suggesting?”
“A conversation,” answered Gabriel. “I’ll tell Carlo everything I know. And then I’ll tell him that you and His Holiness would like him to resign his position on the supervisory council of the Vatican Bank effective immediately. I’ll also tell him that if he ever darkens the Bronze Doors again, he’ll have to answer to me.”
“It seems an awfully small price to pay for two murders.”
“But it’s what you wanted.” Gabriel looked at Donati’s silhouette in the window. “It
“The moral thing to do would be to tell General Ferrari everything you know.”
“Perhaps. But if the Italian government brings charges against Carlo for dealing in looted antiquities, money laundering, and murder, it will be a public-relations disaster for the Church. And for you, Luigi. Everything will come out. You’ll be destroyed.” Gabriel paused, then added, “And so will Veronica.”
“And if Carlo refuses to leave quietly?”
“I’ll make it clear he doesn’t have a choice. Trust me,” Gabriel added, “he’ll get the message.”
“I won’t countenance a murder.
“No one’s talking about killing anyone. But if there’s anyone who deserves—”
Donati silenced Gabriel by raising his long hand. “Just talk to Carlo.”
“When?”
“Next week. That way, there will be no chance of anything leaking to the press before the trip to Israel.” He glanced over his shoulder and asked, “I don’t suppose you’ve had a moment to look over the security arrangements?”
“Actually, I’ve reviewed them in great detail.”
“And?”
“I have only one recommendation.”
“What’s that?”
“Take a rain check, Luigi.”
Donati turned slowly. “Are you telling me to cancel the trip?”
“No. We just want you to postpone it until things cool down.”
“This comes from the top.”
“The prime minister?”
Gabriel nodded.
“Unless your prime minister is prepared to formally ask the leader of one billion Roman Catholics