writ en or drawn pornography was used in the sexual abuse

of women, prostitutes, or children, it did not mat er. None of

them had any legal rights of personhood.

The proliferation of pornography in our society, its use in

sexual assault, its widespread legitimacy, its legal impunity, its

accessibility, the need for real women to make the product in

a market constantly expanding in size and sadism, have presented the contemporary women’s movement with an emergency of staggering proportions: sexual sadism against women is mass entertainment; sexual exploitation of women

is protected as and widely understood to be a civil liberty of

men; the sexual violation of women in the pornography itself

is protected by the courts as “speech. ”

It’s a hell of a symptom, isn’t it?

Questions and Answers

75

Q: Okay, we try to dismiss pornography by saying it’s a symptom, not a cause, and we fight for pay equity even though low pay is a symptom. What other evidence is there of a double

standard?

A: In opposing pornography, feminists have been accused of

being essentially right-wing, or giving aid and comfort to the

political Right, or being in an alliance with the Right. These

charges were made long before the existence of the Ordinance. They were made as soon as feminists began to speak out about the woman hating in pornography and as soon as

feminists began to organize pickets and demonstrations to

protest the production and distribution of pornography. In

1970, feminists committed civil disobedience by sitting in at

the of ices of Grove Press to protest the publication of pornography there and the way Grove treated its women employees. The super-radical-leftist publisher/owner of Grove Press not only had the feminists arrested by the then very brutal New York City Police Department for criminal trespass on his private property—he also accused them of working for the

C. I. A. You can’t get a bigger charge of collusion than that one;

who cares that the man who made it was defending his profits, his pornography, his mistreatment of women workers (a/k/a “workers”)? Certainly, the Left saw him as a radical, not

as a capitalist. The Left continues to see pornographers as

radicals, not as capitalists. With the emergence of Jerry Fal-

wel on the national scene, feminists who opposed pornography were likened to Mr. Falwell, Feminist leaders were characterized as demagogues and puritanical opportunists in

ongoing campaigns of character assassination. Mr. Falwell

came to represent al that the Left detested in religion and

politics and feminists who opposed pornography were robbed

of their own political identities and convictions and caricatured as having his. Since Mr. Falwell had supported segregation in the 1960’s, had supported the Viet Nam War, currently does support the regime in South Africa and the militarism of Cold War anticommunism, opposes abortion

rights and gay rights, and since the feminist leaders of the an76

Pornography and Civil Rights

tipornography movement hold opposite views on each and

every issue, this was an extraordinary slander. But it was repeated as fact in mainstream newspaper articles and in the feminist press.

We don’t believe that this is done to people on other issues.

Take, for example, the often vituperative debate on the existence of the state of Israel. One of the women most active in calling feminists who oppose pornography right-wing has

writ en eloquently in behalf of the continued existence of the

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