spent it, was bound to be used up sooner or later. Maser is so bent on showing that Hitler had financial security that he even suggests the possibility (and in a later passage terms it a probability) that Hitler lived in the doss- house “because he wanted to study the conditions there.”

33. Heiden, Hitler I, p. 43. Some interesting details on the home for men are to be found in Jenks, pp. 26 ff. According to Jenks, the home was restricted to persons with an income of under 1,500 crowns per year. It had 544 beds and was the fourth project of this type built by a foundation committed to alleviating the housing shortage. From 1860 to 1900 the population of Vienna had risen by 259 per cent; after Berlin (281 per cent) this was the steepest increase in Europe. Paris, for example, showed a population increase of only 60 per cent during the same period. The statistics obtained by Jenks show that in the eight predominantly proletarian districts of Vienna there was an average of 4.0 to 5.2 persons per room.

34. Mein Kampf, p. 34.

35. Thomas Mann, “Sufferings and Greatness of Richard Wagner,” in; Essays of Three Decades.

36. Rauschning, Gesprache, pp. 215 f. Also Albert Speer in a note to the author dated September 15, 1969.

37. Thomas Mann, Gesammelte Werke 12, pp. 775 f.

38. Friedrich Percyval Reck-Malleczewen, Diary of a Man in Despair, p. 24.

39. Mein Kampf, p. 41; also Kubizek, p. 220.

40. Mein Kampf, pp. 42 ff.

41. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Die Grundlagen des 19. Jahrhunderts, I, p. 352.

42. Bullock, p. 36; for this whole context cf. also Hans-Gunter Zmarzlik, “Social Darwinism as a Historical Problem,” in: Hajo Holborn, ed., Republic to Reich.

43. Tischgesprache, pp. 179, 226, 245, 361, 447; many other similar phrases may be found in the table talk and in the wartime speeches.

44. Robert W. Gutman, Richard Wagner, p. 309.

45. Mein Kampf, p. 128.

46. Thomas Mann; Gesammelte Werke 9, p. 176.

47. Mein Kampf, pp. 123 f.

48. For the complex of motives governing his departure from Vienna cf. Mein Kampf, p. 123.

49. The description of this affair of the call-up follows the conclusions of Jetzinger, pp. 253 if. He also deserves the credit for having uncovered the circumstances.

50. Mein Kampf, p. 158.

51. Thomas Mann, Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen, p. 461.

52. Around the turn of the century Georges Sorel popularized this remark of Proudhon’s. The quotation reads in full: “War is the orgasm of universal life which fructifies and moves chaos, the prelude for all creations, and which like Christ the Saviour triumphs beyond death through death itself.” Quoted in Freund, Abendglanz Europas, p. 9. “Sacred Hymns” was the title Gabriele d’Annunzio gave to the collection of his poems pleading for Italy’s entry into the war (Gli inni sacri della guerra giusta).

53. Mein Kampf, p. 163.

54. Mein Kampf, p. 164.

55. Hitler’s letter to lustizassessor Hepp in February, 1915; photocopy in the Institut fur Zeitgeschichte, Munich. The previous remark is quoted from Fritz Wiedemann, Der Mann der Feldherr werden wollte, p. 29. The cited letter indicates that it deserves credence even in this somewhat deprecatory phrasing; it is the more credible because it trenchantly characterizes Hitler’s general manner of expressing his ideas, right down to the table talk of later years. Cf. also Wiedemann, p. 24, and Mein Kampf, pp. 166 f.

56. Mein Kampf, p. 190.

57. Ibid., p. 169.

58. All these quotations ibid., pp. 182 ff.

59. Ibid., p. 172.

60. Regrettably, Hitler’s medical file disappeared even before 1933, and has not been recovered. Hitler’s military papers merely note tersely that he was “gassed.” The chemical in question was mustard gas, the effects of which generally did not blind, but greatly reduced sight and sometimes occasioned temporary blindness.

61. Mein Kampf, pp. 202 f.

62. Ibid., p. 204.

63. Communication from Speer to the author. The remark was made on the occasion of Hitler’s visit to Speer’s sickbed in Klessheim Palace. See Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 335. The above-mentioned speech is that of February 15, 1942. In context the passage reads: “How important is a world that I myself can see if it is repressive, if my own people are enslaved? In that case, what can I see worth seeing?” The text is cited from Kotze and Krausnick, p. 322. See also Maser, Fruhgeschichte, p. 127. Maser quotes a personal communication from General Vincenz Muller, who allegedly informed General von Bredow, on orders from Schleicher, that Hitler’s blindness had been solely “hysterical in nature.” But on the wartime personnel roster Hitler was recorded as wounded, “gassed.”

64. Mein Kampf, p. 293.

65. Ibid., pp. 204 f.

66. Kessler, Tagebucher 1918–1937, p. 173.

67. Preiss, p. 38 (speech of March 23, 1927).

68. Kessler, p. 206.

69. Winston Churchill, as quoted in Deuerlein, Aufstieg, p. 23 (without source).

70. Mein Kampf, p. 207. On the question of the red armband see Maser, Fruhgeschichte, p. 132. Ernst Deuerlein has even argued that in the winter of 1918–19 Hitler entertained the notion of joining the Social Democratic Party. See Deuerlein, A ufstieg, p. 80.

71. Mein Kampf, p. 208.

72. Mein Kampf, p. 206.

INTERPOLATION I

1. Ernest Niekisch in: Widerstand III, 11, issue of November, 1928. See also Hitler in the special issue of the VB (Volkischer Beobachter) of January 3, 1921, and in the speech of September 22, 1920, also of April 12, 1922, which show broad variations on the same theme. The VB of July 19, 1922, for example, called Germany the “ideological training ground for international finance,” a “colony” of the victorious powers. Hitler sometimes denounced the Reich government as a “bailiff for the Allies” and the Weimar Constitution as the “law for enforcing the Treaty of Versailles”; cf. also Hitler’s speech of November 30, 1922 (this speech, as well as those mentioned in the following notes for which no other source is given, will be found in the corresponding issue of the VB).

2. Munchener Beobachter, October 4, 1919. This is the sheet from which the Volkische Beobachter later emerged; the quoted article purports to be a missive from an unnamed Catholic clergyman of Basel.

3. “Krasnij Terror,” October 1, 1918, quoted by Nolte, Faschismus, p. 24.

4. Hitler’s memorandum on the expansion of the NSDAP of October 22, 1922, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abt. I, 1509. The proclamation of the National Socialist Party headquarters cited earlier is

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