that there are no natural areas of irritation.
A national conscious Germany and an equally proud Italy will also ultimately be able to close the wounds left behind by the World War in the understanding of their friendship based on their frank and mutual community of interests.
Southern Tyrol will thus some day have to fulfil a lofty mission in the service of both peoples. If the Italians and the Germans of this territory, once filled with a responsibility for their own Folkdom, perceive and understand the great tasks that Italy and Germany have to solve, the petty disputes of the day will recede vis-a-vis the higher mission of building a bridge of frank, reciprocal understanding on the former borders of Germany and Italy.
I know that, under the current regimes in Germany, this is as exactly as impossible as it would be under a non Fascist regime in Italy. For the forces which determine German policy today do not desire any German resurgence, but our destruction. They likewise want the destruction of the presentday Italian Fascist State, and therefore will leave nothing untried in order to sink both nations into hate and hostility. France will seize upon any such manifestation, be it only an act of thoughtlessness, and use it to her own advantage with a thousand joys.
Only a National Socialist Germany will find the way to a final understanding with a Fascist Italy, and finally eliminate the danger of war between the two Folks. For this old Europe was always a territory that was dominated by political systems, and this will not be otherwise at least for the humanly predictable future.
General European democracy will either be replaced by a system of Jewish Marxist Bolshevism, to which all States will succumb one after the other, or by a system of free and unlinked national States, who, in the free play of forces, will set their stamp on Europe in accordance with the number and importance of their specific Folkdom.
It is also not good for Fascism to exist isolated in Europe as an idea. Either the world of ideas from which it stems is generalised, or Italy will one day again succumb to the general ideas of another Europe.
Thus, if we submit Germany’s foreign policy possibilities to a closer examination, only two States remain in Europe as possible valuable allies for the future: Italy and England. Italy’s relation to England itself is already a good one today, and, for reasons which I have discussed in another passage, will hardly be clouded in the immediate future. This, too, has nothing to do with mutual sympathies, but rests, on the Italian side above all, on a rational appraisal of the actual power relations. Thus an aversion to a boundless and unlimited French hegemony in Europe is common to both States. For Italy: because her most vital European interests are threatened; for England: because an overpowerful France in Europe can inflict a new threat on England’s presentday naval and world supremacy which in itself is no longer completely unquestionable.
That already today probably Spain and Hungary are also to be reckoned as belonging to this community of interests, even if only tacitly, lies grounded in Spain’s aversion to French colonial activity in North Africa, as well as in Hungary’s hostility to Yugoslavia, which is at the same time supported by France.
If Germany would succeed in taking part in a new State coalition in Europe, which either must lead to a shift of emphasis in the League Of Nations itself, or allow decisive power factors altogether outside the League Of Nations to develop, then the first domestic political prerequisite for a later active foreign policy would be realisable. The weaponlessness imposed on us by the Versailles treaty and thus our practical defencelessness could come to an end, albeit slowly. This is possible only if the coalition of victors itself quarrels over this question, but never, however, in an alliance with Russia, let alone in a union with other so called oppressed nations, against the front of the coalition of the former victor States that encircle us.
Then in the far future it may be possible to think of a new association of nations, consisting of individual States with a high national value, which could then stand up to the threatening overwhelming of the world by the American Union. For it seems to me that the existence of English world rule inflicts less hardships on presentday nations than the emergence of an American world rule.
Pan Europe cannot be summoned to the solution of this problem, but only a Europe with free and independent national States whose areas of interest are divergent and precisely delimited.
Only then can the time ripen for Germany, secured by a France pushed back within her own boundaries, and supported by her Army born anew, to lead the way toward the elimination of her territorial need. Once our Folk, however, will have grasped this great geopolitical aim in the east, the consequence will not only be clarity regarding German foreign policy, but also stability, at least for a humanly predictable time, will make it possible to avoid political insanities like those which ultimately entangled our Folk in the World War. And then we will also have ultimately overcome the period of this petty daily clamour and of the completely sterile economic and border policy.
Germany then, also domestically, will have to take steps toward the strongest concentration of her means of power. She will have to realise that armies and navies are set up and organised, not along romantic lines, but according to practical requirements. Then she will automatically select as our greatest task the formation of a superior strong Land Army, since our future as a matter of fact does not lie on the water, but in Europe rather.
Only if we will have completely perceived the meaning of this proposition and put an end to our Folk’s territorial need, in the east and on the largest scale, along the lines of this perception will German economy also cease to be a factor of world unrest which brings a thousand dangers down upon us. It will then at least serve the satisfaction of our domestic needs in their major aspects. A Folk which no longer needs to shunt off its rising rural generations into the big cities as factory workers, but which instead can settle them as free peasants on their own soil, will open up a domestic sales market to German industry which can gradually remove and exempt it from the frenzied struggle and scramble for the so called place in the sun in the rest of the world.
It is the foreign policy task of the National Socialist Movement to prepare and ultimately to carry out this development. It must also place foreign policy in the service of the reorganisation of our Folkdom on the basis of its world view range of ideas. Even here it must anchor the principle that we do not fight for systems but for a living Folk, that is, for flesh and blood, which must be preserved, and whose daily bread must not be lacking so that in consequence of its physical health it can also be healthy spiritually.
Just as it must step over a thousand obstacles, misunderstandings and malignities in its struggle for reform in its domestic policy, likewise in foreign policy must it also clear away not only the conscious betrayal of the country by Marxism, but also the rubbish heap of worthless, indeed harmful phrases and ideas of our national, bourgeois world. Thus the less understanding there will be for the significance of our struggle at the moment, all the more powerful will be its success some day.
Why Italy today can primarily be considered as an ally for Germany is connected with the fact that this country is the only one whose domestic and foreign policy is determined by purely Italian national interests. These Italian national interests are the only ones which do not contradict German interests, and, conversely, German interests do not run counter to them. And this is important not only for factual reasons, but also on the basis of the following:
The war against Germany was fought by an overpowering world coalition in which only a part of the States could have a direct interest in Germany’s destruction. In not a few countries, the shift to war was brought by influences which in no way sprang from the real domestic interests of these nations, or even which could also be to their benefit. A monstrous war propaganda began to befog public opinion of these Folks, and to stir them into enthusiasm for a war which for these very Folks in part could not bring any gain at all, and indeed sometimes ran downright counter to their real interests.
International world Jewry was the power which instigated this enormous war propaganda. For as senseless as the participation in the War by many of these nations may have been, seen from the viewpoint of their own interests, it was just as meaningful and logically correct seen from the viewpoint of the interests of world Jewry.
It is not my task here to enter into a discussion of the Jewish question as such. This cannot take place in the framework of a necessarily brief and compressed presentation. The following is said here only [so much] in the interests of a better understanding:
Jewry is a Folk with a racial core that is not wholly unitary. Nevertheless, as a Folk, it has special intrinsic characteristics which separate it from all other Folks living on the globe. Jewry is not a religious community, but the religious bond between Jews; rather is in reality the momentary governmental system of the Jewish Folk. The Jew has never had a territorially bounded State of his own in the manner of Aryan States.
