confusing, he has long used Communist rhetoric and still seems to retain some Communist goals and sympathies, though he adamantly rejects totalitarianism. He never seemed to completely discard all Marxist-Leninist ideology.
55. Ibid., 175, 207, 215.
56. He pointed out this exception many times in his remarks. Reagan, “Remarks and a Question-and- Answer Session With Area High School Seniors,” Jacksonville, Florida, December 1, 1987; Reagan, “Interview with Network TV Broadcasters,” December 3, 1987.
57. Importantly, this seemed to contradict Gorbachev’s understanding that socialism was approaching another stage in its continuing advancement along the dialectal plane, one that Marx and Lenin envisioned as eventually leading to world socialism; however, Gorbachev either convinced himself that such a global goal was never Lenin’s or, as noted earlier, convinced himself that Lenin only advocated socialism’s global advancement by peaceful means. Also, Gorbachev repeatedly spoke of some form of fuzzy quasi-democratic method of Lenin, of which Gorbachev was extremely vague. See: Gorbachev, Perestroika, 202, 210.
58. Ibid., 152.
CHAPTER 12
1. Vladimir Serov, “The Plans of Nuclear ‘Crusaders,’” distributed by TASS, January 17,
1983. Text is published as “Serov: Directive ‘Crusade Against Communism,’” in FBIS-SOV
18-JAN-83, January 18, 1983, A2.
2. Though formally issued January 17, 1983, the document was approved by Reagan at an NSC meeting on December 17, 1982. See Bailey, The Strategic Plan That Won the Cold War, 13.
3. Those words are actually the full name of a monograph on NSDD-75 by Bailey. 4. Reed, At the Abyss, 240.
5. Interview with Richard Pipes, September 9, 2002. Pipes concedes that NSDD-75 was his “main contribution to the Reagan administration’s foreign policy.” Pipes, Vixi, 188. Roger Robinson contributed the sections focused on economic and financial warfare. Interviews with Roger W. Robinson, June 6 and 8, 2005.
6. Pipes stated this in an interview with Peter Schweizer. Schweizer, Victory, 131. 7. Clark in Schweizer, ed., The Fall of the Berlin Wall, 71–73.
8. NSDD-75, January 17, 1983, 1. NSDD is on file at Reagan Library. 9. Interview with Richard Pipes, September 9, 2002.
10. Interview with Richard Pipes, September 27, 2005.
11. Richard Pipes, Survival Is Not Enough (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984), 262–64. 12. Clark in Schweizer, ed., The Fall of the Berlin Wall, 72.
13. Quote is taken from NSDD-75 third to last bullet on page 2.
14. McFarlane was interviewed by Peter Schweizer. Quoted in Schweizer, Victory, 132. 15. The two releases from the Moscow Domestic Service were released at 1940 and 2015
CHAPTER 13
1. These letters are quoted in my biography of Clark.
2. Bailey, The Strategic Plan That Won the Cold War, i.
3. This Marxist group was a renegade, competitor Marxist group. Bishop himself was a
Marxist, albeit much less radical and violent. Bishop and his New Jewel Movement came to power in a 1979 coup.
4. Reagan, “Speech Announcing the Strategic Defense Initiative,” March 23, 1983.
5. On this, and the entire operation in general, see Ed Meese’s chapter in Edwin Meese, With Reagan (Washington, DC: Regnery, 1992), 213–27.
6. Reagan, “Remarks at a Summit Conference of Caribbean Heads of State,” University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina, July 19, 1984.
7. Quoted by Cannon, The Role of a Lifetime, 386–87.
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1. Reagan, “Interview With Lou Cannon, David Hoffman, and Juan Williams of the Washington Post on Foreign and Domestic Issues,” January 16, 1984. Reagan did not let go: He heralded the operation on its second anniversary in October 1985, seizing the occasion as a continued shot in the arm to the American body politic.
2. Reagan, An American Life, 457–58.
3. He actually began seeing the changes as early as summer 1982, especially in the military. See Reagan, An American Life, 557–58.
4. Reagan, “State of the Union Address,” January 26, 1984. For more such references later, see Reagan, “State of the Union Address,” February 6, 1985; and Frederick J. Ryan Jr., ed., Ronald Reagan: The Wisdom and Humor of the Great Communicator (San Francisco: Collins, 1995), 11.
5. Reagan, “Remarks Upon Returning From the Soviet-United States Summit Meeting in Moscow,” June 3, 1988.
6. He took the time to say so in his Farewell Address on January 11, 1989: “[O]ne of the things I’m proudest of in the last eight years [is] the resurgence of national pride…the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.”
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1. Jack F. Matlock, Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev (New York: Random House, 2004), 106–7. 2. Reagan, “Remarks to Citizens in Hambach, Federal Republic of Germany,” May 6,
1985.
3. The remainder of this statement said: “To win this struggle, to preserve our way of life, to maintain the peace, we must be strong and true to our ideals. And together we can meet the challenge.” And then, “Future generations, not only in the United States but throughout the hemisphere, will be grateful for what we do today.” Because, said the president, “We’re passing to them the most precious gift of all—liberty.” Reagan, “Remarks at a Fundraising Dinner for Senator Paula Hawkins,” Miami, Florida, May 27, 1985.
4. Gorbachev’s father was a nonbeliever; Reagan’s father was Catholic but largely apathetic. 5. By October 1980, noted Archie Brown, Gorbachev already showed signs of being a “serious reformer.” Now, it looked clear that the reformer was on his way to potentially becoming a future general secretary as well. See Archie Brown, The Gorbachev Factor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), ix–x.
6. Interview with Richard Pipes, April 7, 2005.
7. Brown, The Gorbachev Factor, 227–30.
8. Ibid, 4.
9. Said Yuzhin: “[T]he day could come when we might be asked to get rid of Reagan.” See “Boris Yuzhin,” U.S. News & World Report, October 18, 1999.
10. Andropov first met Gorbachev in a visit to the Stavropol territory in April 1969; they subsequently had regular meetings together throughout the 1970s. Brown says they were impressed by each other. As early as 1977, says Brown, Andropov saw Gorbachev as not merely a “brilliant man” but also as a future Soviet leader—
