reported that it was at this meeting where Reagan and the pope secretly joined forces not only to strengthen Solidarity and pressure Warsaw “but to free all of Eastern Europe.” In that first meeting, wrote Bernstein, they consented to undertake a clandestine campaign “to hasten the dissolution of the communist empire.” The two men “were convinced that Poland could be broken out of the Soviet orbit if the Vatican and the United States committed the resources to destabilizing the Polish government and keeping the outlawed Solidarity movement alive after the declaration of martial law in 1981.”8 Reagan told the pope: “Hope remains in Poland. We, working together, can keep it alive.”9
Both leaders were convinced that a free, non-Communist Poland would be, in Bernstein’s words, “a dagger to the heart of the Soviet empire.” They were certain that if Poland became democratic, other Eastern European states would follow.10 A cardinal who was one of John Paul II’s closest aides put it this way: “Nobody believed the collapse of communism would happen this fast or on this timetable. But in their first meeting, the Holy Father and the President committed themselves and the institutions of the church and America to such a goal. And from that day, the focus was to bring it about in Poland.”
THE PUBLIC FACE
While the two figures clearly shared a bond over their recent experiences and distaste for Communism, there was very little that they were able to share openly. In his subsequent remarks to the press, Reagan said that he left the encounter with a feeling of hope and dedication, knowing that a world which produced such “courage and vision” from a man like Karol Wojtyla, a survivor of adversity, was capable of “building a better future.” Telling the gaggle of frenetic media that he felt a dedication “to do all in one’s power to live up” to the faith and values of the “free West,” he then pointed to general “certain common experiences” of him and the pope which “gave our meeting a special meaning to me.”11
In his press remarks, Reagan also stated that God had blessed America with a freedom and abundance that had been denied to less fortunate brethren. Since the end of World War II, he said, America did its best to provide those less fortunate with billions of dollars in food, medicine, and materials. “And we’ll continue to do so in the years ahead.” Shifting to contemporary Poland specifically, he pledged, “While denying financial assistance to the repressive Polish regime, America will continue to provide the Polish people with as much food and commodity support as possible through church and private organizations.” Like the Church in its spiritual role, America would “seek to pursue the same goals of peace, freedom, and humanity along political and economic lines.” Applying his Christian faith to the fight against Communism, Reagan cited a Scriptural rationale for U.S. aid: “Americans have always believed that in the words of Scripture, ‘Unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required.’”12
He concluded by asking the pope for his prayers “that God will guide us in our efforts for peace on this journey and in the years ahead.” For his part, the pope closed: “With faith in God and belief in universal human solidarity may America step forward in this crucial moment in history to consolidate her rightful place at the service of world peace.”13 It was a bargain that Reagan was happy to try to meet.
“HOLY ALLIANCE”
Although much of the correspondence within this historic partnership remains classified, with numerous documents fully redacted or not released at all, leaving a multitude of unanswered questions, this much is certain: The meeting launched a deliberate and coordinated effort on behalf of both the White House and Vatican to end Communism. The major players included Clark, Casey, Pipes, Ambassador Vernon Walters, Pio Cardinal Laghi, and Agostino Cardinal Casaroli. Clark’s deputy at the NSC, Robert McFarlane, says that almost everything that had to do with Poland was handled outside of normal State Department channels and went through Casey and Clark. He adds, “I knew that they [Casey and Clark] were meeting with Pio Laghi [the apostolic delegate to Washington], and that Pio Laghi had been to see the president, but Clark would never tell me what the substance of the discussions was.” Clark and Laghi met regularly to discuss developments in the Polish situation. Crucial decisions on funneling aid to Solidarity and responding to the Polish and Soviet regimes were made by Reagan, Casey, and Clark, in consultation with Vatican officials.14
Working in close proximity to each other in Washington, a close relationship developed between Casey, Clark, and Laghi. “Casey and I dropped into his [Laghi’s] residence early mornings during critical times to gather his comments and counsel,” says Clark. “We’d have breakfast and coffee and discuss what was being done in Poland. I’d speak to him frequently on the phone, and he would be in touch with the pope.” On at least six different occasions, Laghi came to the White House and met with Clark and Reagan. Each time, he discreetly entered the White House through the southwest gate to avoid the notice of the press.15
Former Carter National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, a strong anti-Communist and native of Poland, talks of Casey’s role in the effort: “Casey ran it…and led it; he was very flexible and very imaginative and not very bureaucratic. If something needed to be done it was done.”16 Casey shared Reagan’s sense that they faced a grand juncture, and that the pope could help enormously. In his biography of John Paul II, which he coauthored with Marco Politi, Bernstein wrote:
Intuitively, they [Casey and Reagan] understood what the pontiff might accomplish and how his acts might push forward their own global policies…. The highest priority of American foreign policy was now Poland, he [Casey] informed the Pope. In Washington, Reagan and Casey had discussed the possibility of “breaking Poland out of the Soviet orbit,” with help from the Holy Father.17
Intelligence, namely information-sharing, played a central role in the Reagan-Pope collaboration. The Reagan administration fueled an intelligence shuttle between Washington and the Vatican, through which Casey and Walters clandestinely briefed the pope on a regular basis.18 Between them, they paid fifteen secret visits to John Paul II over a six-year period. Walters visited at roughly six-month intervals.19
Both Reagan and the pope eagerly anticipated the information gained from these briefings. The pope benefited from the mighty, long arm of U.S. technical intelligence, receiving some of the nation’s most guarded secrets and sophisticated analysis. He was able to pour over satellite imagery that was detailed beyond his conception.20
Vatican representatives and the pope were consulted on U.S. thinking in world affairs.21 This consultation, and subsequent influence, swung both ways: To cite just one later example, in February 1984, Vice President Bush held a fifty-five-minute meeting with John Paul II at the Vatican. He briefed the Holy Father on Lebanon, on his meeting with Soviet General Secretary Konstantin Chernenko the previous day, and more. Following those items, reported Bush in a cable sent to the White House Situation Room, declassified in July 2000, “I then asked him if he had any advice for us on Poland.”22 Bush said that John Paul II reacted by discussing the Poland situation “for some time.” “The Holy Father said people are getting hurt,” said Bush, referring to the punitive effect of U.S. sanctions. The pope told him, “This must be changed.” The pope said that both he and the Holy See agreed there should be a change in sanctions policy.23
The pope also told Bush of how Poles had suffered under totalitarianism. Even if Polish Communist leader Jaruzelski wanted to improve the situation, he was limited in what he could do. “He is limited by the neighborhood—namely GDR [East Germany], Czechoslovakia, etc.,” Bush translated. That meant the Reagan administration and Vatican needed to assist. Relaying the pope’s words, Bush continued: “We must do something to help the [Polish] people. So many times in the past they have defended themselves against oppression.”24
As evidence of how Bush’s report influenced Reagan, the president wrote a February 22 follow-up letter to John Paul II, also declassified in July 2000, which began:
