“Mr. Olson—it is Mr. Olson, isn’t it?—right. Mr. Olson, when two lawyers appear in court, one defending, the other prosecuting, they both refer to ‘the other side’ and they each assemble the facts of the matter in court to suit their different cases. However—it is not unusual for the two of them to play golf together on Saturday afternoons.” He grinned. “I suppose the diplomatic equivalent is making one’s points in arms reductions talks and then going for a walk in the woods together.”
There were a number of shouted questions but the President said, “I’m sorry, ladies and gentlemen, but I have meetings scheduled. Thank you for your time and your questions.”
She saw O’Brien walking towards her. He was the President’s Press Secretary but she had known him way back when she was with NBC and O’Brien had been on Madison Avenue.
He pulled up one of the empty chairs and sat beside her. “Glad to see you, Mary. It’s been a long time.”
“Will he see me?”
“What’s your piece for?”
“Nobody yet. I’m free-lance now but it could end up in one of the nationals.”
“News or think-piece?”
“Think-piece.”
“OK. I can get you in in about ten minutes. He’s making some calls right now. But a couple of conditions.”
“Like what?”
“Only fifteen minutes and no direct quotes. Background for you and not repeat not an interview.”
“I’m flattered.”
O’Brien looked surprised. “Oh, I thought you would be huffy. How come you’re flattered?”
“Flattered that he’d talk with me off the record and trust me not to abuse it.”
He smiled. “You’ve got a good track-record, honey. How’s the small boy?”
She laughed. “The small boy’s at Yale doing law.”
O’Brien looked at his watch. “I think we could wander in now.”
The President smiled as he took her hand. “Nice to see you, Mary. I guess Sean already told you the ground rules. They OK with you?”
“Of course, Mr. President. I’m grateful for the time.”
“Sit down, make yourself comfortable.”
When she was seated he leaned back in his chair.
“Fire away.”
“The so-called Eastern bloc countries and the lurch to democracy. What’s going to happen in the end?”
“In the GDR there’s a chance that they could form new parties based on the political parties in the Federal Republic. And having the FRG alongside them and the possibility of economic and financial help from Bonn will help. But the Communists aren’t going to give up without a struggle. Not right away but maybe in a year or two’s time. Euphoria doesn’t last and if the new leaders don’t improve living standards people will be disillusioned. And in Czechoslovakia and Hungary they’ve got to go all the way back to square one. And that ain’t gonna be easy.”
“And re-unification?”
“Bonn want that and they’ll work hard to get it. But there are long memories in Europe. Whatever they say in public the French won’t like it, neither will the Poles and the Italians. Maybe in ten years’ time when the East Germans have worked their passage. If they rush into it it could turn out to be a real can of worms.”
“What about NATO and withdrawing our armed forces in Europe?”
“Moscow are already doing a great PR job about reducing numbers on both sides but it depends on what they mean. Just pulling out numbers equally isn’t on for us. It’s got to be the number of troops and weapons that are left. They’ve got far more of everything than NATO at the moment.
“And you’ve got to remember that if things went wrong they’ve only got to roll across Poland or East Germany and they’re on the way to the Rhine. We’d have to send troops from the States. Could be over before we get there.”
“Do you think that Gorbachev really means it?”
“Oh, he means it all right. He doesn’t have any choice. The Soviet economy is crumbling to dust because of its corruption and inefficiency. You’ve got to remember that glasnost and perestroika didn’t start with Gorby. It started way back with Khrushchev when he denounced Stalin at the Twentieth Congress—in 1956 if I remember correctly. But the time wasn’t right. And Gorbachev has got problems beyond the economy. The new upsurge of nationalism is just as big a problem.”
“What about the suggestion that we’re dragging our feet in ending the Cold War?”
“They created the Cold War, Mary. Not us. And now they want to end it. That doesn’t mean they’ve necessarily given up their aim of sustaining subversion and expansion wherever they can. They’ve got a chaotic situation on their hands and I’ve got no intention of rushing in and ending up taking or sharing the blame when they make a mess of it—as they probably will.
“The Western public have been the target of a superb PR exercise from Secretary General Gorbachev. What most of them don’t realise is that in all his public statements about glasnost he has at no time ever suggested, or even hinted, a set of reforms that would turn the Soviet Union into a pluralist society, nor has there been the slightest questioning of the supreme authority of the Communist Party. He’s a communist, Mary. Don’t ever forget that. And don’t let the public forget it either. Deeds not words are what they should go by.”
“And what about Star Wars? They seem fanatical about us giving up that whole project.”
For long moments he looked at her then he leaned forward towards her and said, “No quote, no hint, not even a vague reference to what I tell you. OK?”
“Of course, Mr. President.”
“They’re far ahead of us on SDI. They’ve already got it. It’s that kind of deceit and hypocrisy that I have to bear in mind when I hear the words glasnost and perestroika.” He stood up. “I’ll have to go, Mary. It was good to see you. Stay and have a drink with Sean.”
Camp David had been cleared that night of everyone except Marines and Secret Service agents. Not
