like to know what equipment is installed, particularly computers, and who are the suppliers. Second we’d like a chain-of-command diagram with titles of different sections and names of middle status people. Especially people with problems, and names and backgrounds of people who get dismissed.”

“I’ll see what I can do. Of course it’s early days, maybe five or six hundred people but they’re talking about two or three thousand staff.”

“Are we funding you enough?”

“So far I’m OK.”

“Does this hold up your usual network tasks?”

“Not yet.”

“Could your contact recruit other people?”

“I wouldn’t trust him to do that. The only reason I used him is because I’ve known him for a long time. He does what I pay him to do. He’s greedy for dollars. It’s a business. If he sold me out to the authorities he’d lose more than half his income. They wouldn’t compensate him for that.”

Beletsky nodded. “You know best but we’re desperate for all we can get on this place. No money restrictions.” He turned to Denikin. “Your turn.”

Denikin smiled. “We’d like you to spend the rest of today and the whole of tomorrow with us so that we can give you some basic knowledge of what this kind of installation does and how it does it. Just the basics so that you can follow better what he tells you and push for more if it seems worthwhile.”

Aarons nodded. “I’m at your disposal.”

That evening Lensky took Aarons to a reception at the headquarters of the Moscow Party given by the Moscow Party Secretary. They had walked there and Lensky seemed on edge. He talked about the battles for power being waged inside the Party and Stalin’s growing paranoia. Stalin frequently talked aloud to himself and Khrushchev had heard him say, “I’m finished. I trust no one. Not even myself.”

“The doctors say that he hasn’t more than six months to live. God knows what will happen then. There are dossiers on everyone—generals, politicians—the lot.”

“Who will take over?”

“It will be either Khrushchev or Malenkov. But Beria will cause a lot of trouble until things are settled. You’ll be introduced to K tonight. I told him about your theory on Eisenhower being the next President. He says you’re wrong but he’s too shrewd not to listen to what you’ve got to say.”

It was almost midnight when Lensky took his arm and led him over to where Khrushchev was standing with two other men. Aarons was introduced and Khrushchev looked at him with those shrewd peasant’s eyes.

“So you think we’re wrong in looking forward to Stevenson in the White House?”

“Yes, comrade, it will be Eisenhower.”

Khrushchev waved his glass around in his podgy hand as if he were appealing for support from the other two men. But they said nothing.

“Tell me why you’re so sure.”

Aarons went through the scenario again and Khrushchev listened as he drank his vodka. Then he said, “So we can expect a bigger budget for the army, eh?”

“I think he knows them all too well to let them increase their spending. And he won’t be looking for adventures.”

“Is that what your American friends think?”

“Those who are interested in politics share your views and ordinary people won’t be interested in any candidate until the primaries start.”

“It’s ordinary people who get them into the White House.”

“Of course. And when Ike’s name comes up that will be enough. He’s a war hero. He’s not corrupt and he’s much admired.”

“But he’s not a political figure.”

“That will help him. They don’t much like politicians.”

“What about all the Republican top men, will they stand for a general taking their prize?”

“They’ll be glad to have such a clean candidate.”

“So where will the trouble come from for us?”

“I think Foster Dulles might be his Secretary of State. He’s a convinced anti-communist. He could be trouble.”

An officer in security service uniform brought Khrushchev a note. He read it and handed it back, saying, “I’ll see him in the alcove. Give him a drink.” He looked at the other two and said, “That bastard Beria, I wonder what pot he’s stirring.” He turned to Aarons and shook his head. “They tell me you do a good job for us over there. Keep at it.” He paused. “By the way do you meet our Ambassador there?”

“No, comrade. I had orders not to.”

Khrushchev laughed, “You’re very wise. He thinks McCarthy will be the next President.”

The time spent with the two scientists had been interesting and they were obviously much concerned that he should be as well armed for dealing with Cowley as possible.

The night before he left they ate as usual at Lensky’s place. They were always much concerned that there was no chance of him being seen by anyone from the US Embassy.

After they had eaten Lensky poured himself a drink and his housekeeper brought Aarons a mug of hot chocolate. Aarons smiled. “You’ve got a long memory, Jakob.”

“I shouldn’t be alive if I hadn’t.”

“Are you worried about something?”

Lensky shrugged and smiled. “We Russians are always worried about something. You used to be the same but something seems to have changed you.”

Aarons smiled. “Not something—somebody.”

“Tania?”

“Yes.”

“What does Ivan do these days?”

“He works for me as a courier.”

“And Anna?”

“She is married. She just cares for her husband.”

“What does he do?”

“He plays jazz piano in a night-club which he owns.”

“Which one would be the one to betray you?”

“None of them.”

“And who amongst your network would sell you down the river?”

Aarons shrugged. “Who knows. Each one knows very little. They don’t even know that there is a network.”

“Do you like America?”

“I like some things. The optimism, the instinct of being friendly, the opportunities and the freedom.”

“Freedom to persecute blacks and Hispanics? Freedom to shoot a man just because you don’t like him? What freedom?”

“The freedom to talk like you and I talk but not with lowered voices. And not assuming that maybe your room is bugged. And knowing that nobody can send me to a prison camp for something I said or because some Party hack wants to sleep with my wife.”

“And all their politicians

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