Himmler was attuned to all of this. Throughout the chaotic events of that summer of 1944, he was able to observe and catalog the activities of the highest-ranking members of the Nazi party as well as business leaders. With his network of political spies, Himmler could identify whom he could trust, and who was still foolishly loyal to Hitler.
Against that backdrop, the forward-thinking Himmler developed a plan B. While he still had confidence that Project Tabun could turn the tide of the war, on the outside chance it did not, he was looking for an alternative. A means by which he and trusted associates could live to fight another day.
The idea for his proposal came from Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini, a Palestinian and Muslim cleric named the chief religious and spiritual leader of Jerusalem by the British government. Al-Husseini was decidedly against Zionism, and as a result of Himmler’s hatred of the Jewish people, the two men had struck up a friendship a year prior to the war.
When the war broke out, he quickly aligned himself with the fascist governments in Berlin and Rome. As the war turned sour for the Reich, he offered letters of encouragement to Himmler, and in one of those letters, al-Husseini introduced the concept of an escape plan.
The Mufti warned Himmler that whether the Germans surrendered or were defeated, their country would be a difficult place to live because of their association to the Reich. He suggested they begin to plan for the inevitable—the departure from Germany for a place where they could live out their years in hiding.
Switzerland remained an option because of its neutrality, but there were no guarantees they’d protect war criminals. The Vatican was also seen as a place of safe refuge. Certain Northern Africa nations were considered as well as South America.
In any event, to proceed with such a plan required advance planning, and the purpose of this initial meeting in Strasbourg was to lay the groundwork. Himmler reached out to the highest-ranking Nazi party officials whom he knew he could trust. They were important for another reason. These men would form the backbone of a resurgence of the Nazi party after the war, not unlike what Hitler had accomplished after Germany’s defeat in World War I.
Himmler brought with him Dr. Johann Scheid, director of HESCHO AG, a major military equipment supplier of the Third Reich. Dr. Scheid was also an SS Obergruppenführer, one rank below that of Himmler’s.
Himmler’s two most trusted associates, Field Marshal Rommel and Adolph Eichmann, arrived a day early to discuss the plan. Eichmann was known as the architect of Hitler’s Final Solution—the elimination of the Jewish people from Europe. He masterminded the Nazi network of death camps, including Auschwitz, Treblinka, and Dachau. The Desert Fox would lead the military.
The next to arrive was Josef Mengele, the Angel of Death, who conducted macabre, sickening experiments on the prisoners held at Auschwitz. His reputation for utter ruthlessness was admired by both Hitler and Himmler.
Two SS commanders, Josef Schwammberger and Erich Priebke, arrived together. The two friends would be considered the leaders of a revitalized Gestapo when the time came. One of their counterparts, Gerhard Bohne, arrived at the meeting alone. He was both an SS commander and a lawyer. He was known for his understanding of government affairs, a role that would help shape a future administration led by Himmler.
The last to arrive was a surprise to all the other attendees, but once the discussions ensued, it became apparent his reasons for joining this who’s who of the Nazi party were obvious. Martin Bormann was the head of the Nazi Party Chancellery. As Hitler’s private secretary, he controlled the flow of information and access to der Führer. If their plans were to evade the scrutiny of Hitler, it would be because of Bormann’s ability to protect all involved.
In addition, over the years, he had been instrumental in creating an extensive bureaucracy within the Nazi party. He had a hand in every aspect of its operations and could therefore manipulate any information as necessary.
“Gentlemen, once again, thank you for joining us here today,” began Himmler after dinner and drinks were shared. “I intentionally avoided the topic of conversation during our dinner together so we could all reconnect. The trials and tribulations of war have prevented most social opportunities. I wanted us all to remember we’ve been friends for a very long time.
“I want to explain what I propose and, more importantly, how this is not a betrayal of Mein Führer. If anything, it should be viewed as an opportunity to continue our work in the event of defeat or forced surrender.
“We all have suffered loss during this epic struggle on behalf of our beloved Deutschland. We have also profited. Our efforts should not be wasted because of miscalculations or bad luck, at times. I still believe in the oath to Mein Führer and my promise to Deutschland. In the event our time is not now, then we should prepare for another.”
“Heinrich, we are but a few,” began Bormann, one of only a handful in attendance who could refer to Himmler by his first name. “I envision an exodus of party leaders and industrialists that would gut the Reich. We can’t all jump ship like a bunch of rats at once. Der Führer will be helpless without us.”
Himmler nodded. “Understood. This is why I have brought all of you together. Over the next two days, we will talk about the logistics associated with this plan. It will involve smuggling gold, art, and other valuables out of Germany. We will approach our top scientists and industrialists. Our legal experts will secure patents around the globe to protect our work. Our industrialists, bankers, and financiers will make arrangements to expand their existing businesses to other nations.
“Every aspect of the successes we’ve enjoyed over the last decade will be replicated elsewhere,
