Samuel Carberry gave in immediately when Perryman told him that the government would take him to Federal prison when information was released that he’d evaded income taxes over the past five years on $1,950,000. Carberry was so frightened that he didn’t even argue the technicality that he hadn’t evaded income taxes at all. It was actually his brother hiding the money for Carberry. The relationship was close enough to hit home to Carberry, however, and he caved in without a fight.
Calvin Brown also gave in when Perryman got him alone, after a good deal of fancy footwork. Healy would never leave Perryman alone with Brown, but there was a tradition for the speaker to share a few private moments with all freshmen members. Healy could see no objection to that kind of interview, especially since Perryman was a Democrat and Healy didn’t know he was working for Norwalk and Slanetti behind the scenes.
But Brown came away from the interview having secretly changed his vote when Perryman told him about the power and light connections he had back in Cook County, connections for which he received $624,000 to vote for higher rates when he was sitting on the Illinois Power Commission. This gave the Republicans twenty-three states.
Illinois was further sealed up when Perryman made a Keystone call to Slanetti announcing that Bernard Asterwood had also given in. Perryman told Asterwood, a five-term man from Joliet in Will County, that the White House knew about his mistress, Freda Cameron. Asterwood, a sober man on the whole, was deeply in love with his wife, Beth, but Freda had lured him into a liaison several years ago and he was stuck with her. She’d once threatened to expose him. He gave in without a fight for all his bluster. Perryman was a little surprised. But surely one of the three would hold fast, and probably all three, so Perryman and Slanetti were not worried.
The next target was not an easy nut to crack. He was Ernest Rylsky of Arizona. Ellsworth approached him originally. Slanetti didn’t have much on the man. He knew there was more information, that Rylsky in his nine terms in the House had done plenty. But the man was a shrewd politician and lawyer and covered his tracks with extreme care and efficiency. All Slanetti could give Ellsworth to work with was a minor matter for a nine term Congressman: he’d accepted a large unsecured loan from a bank on whose shady practices he’d held hearings in his committee, where he was ranking Republican. Nothing was ever reported out of committee to the appropriate Federal agency for action and the bank got off free and clear. On another occasion in the same committee, Slanetti had Rylsky for bribery and perjury. A prominent bank in New York was under investigation by the Justice Department for criminal actions, including bribing a Federal judge. The bank also bribed Rylsky to the tune of $1,425,000, to use his influence, which he did, and Justice dropped the inquiry very quietly.
Still, the man was pro-China and didn’t regard St. Clair with much warmth. Slanetti had Norwalk himself meet with Rylsky the second time. Norwalk reiterated the information they had on him, promised him St. Clair’s cooperation in anything Rylsky wanted moved through Congress.
Rylsky had been hesitant, but considering the bank information, considering that he liked to be a good Republican, and considering that he did have several things in mind for his district which he previously doubted any Administration would support, he gave in after Norwalk used all the charm and persuasion for which he was so famous. This gave the Republicans twenty-four states.
The last target (besides Hawkins) was the formidable Republican from Oklahoma, John Fulton, practically “Mr. Republican.” But he simply loathed Jeffrey Norwalk as a person and as a President, had been excluded from all White House patronage and proven many times he could do exactly as he wished without the White House. He was very powerful and had many friends on both sides of the aisle and in both houses of Congress. He seemed immune to Norwalk’s power.
Fulton was distinguished in appearance and looked much like a judge with neatly groomed gray hair parted down the middle, tight hard lips that were moralistic and determined in their set. He looked like Herbert Hoover—on steroids.
His vote was essential to get Oklahoma in the Republican column. He controlled the state delegation, which was Republican three to two. If he voted for Thurston so would the other three Republicans. There was no getting around him the way Mayor Healy could be gotten around.
Slanetti conducted the interview with Fulton. He’d gone to pains to keep on the man’s good side during his several years in the White House as congressional liaison. Fulton liked him, well—so-so.
Everything was against Slanetti. Fulton hated Norwalk, detested Robert Degraff, St. Clair’s running mate from his own state of Oklahoma, had been totally ignored by the leadership at the Republican National Convention, which was controlled by St. Clair’s people, and so he had no friendship for St. Clair, either.
The only thing—but it was a big thing—against Fulton were his past and present dealings with the oil industry. His own fortune was in oil and he guarded the industry’s interests like a mother eagle. And the eagle had fed her child well. Fulton’s intimate connections with the oil industry made Bush-Cheney look like amateurs.
“John,” Slanetti told him when they met in the congressman’s office, “you’ve always been blunt with me and I’ll be blunt with you. I don’t like having to do what I’m here to do, but I will because I’ve given my loyalty to the President, even though I recognize the differences you’ve had with him over the years.”
“Go on,” said Fulton, rightfully suspicious.
“The White House is
