“Does Jack know anything about Keystone?” Ellsworth asked.
“No. I’ve told no one,” said Sam.
“Good,” said Ellsworth. “The fewer people know, the better.”
“Couldn’t agree more,” said Sam, feeling ashamed that these dark forces were at work to get him elected to the highest office in the land. He found the whole nasty business completely unsavory. When Norwalk first revealed Keystone’s existence to him, he’d thought about getting out of the race, but it was too late already: the election was over and he was caught in the middle of a deadlock. There was only one way out—to follow the process, for good or ill, through to its perhaps unseemly conclusion.
Jack was taken to a lodge where he had some coffee and caught up on email using his iPhone.
Sam and Ellsworth went into Laurel Lodge, a rustic cabin where they joined Norwalk, sitting with Ambassador Kornilevski, Speaker Lamar Perryman and Phil Slanetti. Sam looked up and noticed the President’s seal carved in wood over the fireplace. Once everyone was given coffee and the stewards left the room, Norwalk began.
“As you all know, I will be leaving office very soon. There is much that needs settling and I want to settle what I can while still in office.”
St. Clair didn’t look fidgety, but he was. He was still considerably uneasy about the Russian advance into China and the impending House battle. For these reasons, the gathered dignitaries somewhat intimidated him. His snowy hair gave him a fatherly image of solidarity and iron surety, but he was far from the symbol of quiet confidence that he appeared to be. He admired Norwalk’s ease in dealing with a crisis and assumed, rather childishly, that he’d come to know such ease when he became President. He followed most of Norwalk’s suggestions and policies not necessarily because he agreed with them anymore, but because any decision emanating from a calm man was preferable to one coming from a nervous man.
“I have spoken at great length,” continued Norwalk, “with Sam and told him—in greater detail than he’s previously been aware—of the recent efforts you gentlemen have been involved in to benefit his position in the House. He and I have also discussed the foreign situation with great candor and he has made some basic decisions which I wanted you all to hear.” Norwalk glanced over to St. Clair. “I’ll give it to you, Sam,” he said, leaning back in his chair and puffing on his pipe.
St. Clair sat up and rested his elbows on his knees and pressed his hands together, looking at the hook rug on the floor, which reminded him of a similar one he had in his bedroom as a young boy. Then he sat back and looked at the Russian ambassador, who sat quietly across the room looking back at him, sitting next to Lord Ellsworth.
“After discussing the Chinese situation with the President, I’ve decided it would be in the best interests of the United States, if I am elected, to support a bilateral policy with Russia to completely destroy the Chinese potential to divert any of the waters from the rivers where they’re threatening to.” He paused, aware of the gravity and importance of what he was saying. Kornilevski did not show a relieved smile, but merely nodded soberly.
“This decision was basically the substance and result of our conversation,” St. Clair continued. “I realize the importance of it and want to emphasize that my Administration will not tolerate a broad interpretation of the position by your government, Mr. Kornilevski. I’m sure you understand that we want peace. I believe you do, too, and only to maintain peace would your government ever have approached the United States with proposals of such magnitude. I’m determined the world cannot remain at peace if any superpower thinks it can threaten lesser powers with its military superiority.”
“I fully understand your position, Governor St. Clair, and assure you that my government is most interested in the maintenance of world peace. While we admit we feel threatened with the Chinese menace, we also feel the entire world would see the threat of Chinese aggression if they were the neighbor instead of us.”
“I agree. It’s for that reason I’ve decided to support this attack against the Chinese,” said St. Clair. “The fact is, I agree that China poses a constant threat to all nations.”
Norwalk interrupted.
“I want to stress Governor St. Clair’s limitation of the attack to conventional aircraft and weaponry, Mr. Ambassador. Such support would eventually entail the complete withdrawal of all Russian troops from Chinese and Mongolian soil.”
“Naturally,” nodded Kornilevski.
“I’m glad we’re agreed on the main points,” said Norwalk. He glanced around the room to Ellsworth, Perryman and Slanetti, sitting silently. “I wanted you other gentlemen here today because you’ve been intimately involved in the delicate efforts to secure House approval for Sam. You all know about the Keystone File maintained by Phil here,” he said, gesturing towards Slanetti. “The fact is, we are still unsure of getting a Republican President. Phil, why don’t you outline where we stand?”
Slanetti didn’t have to refer to his notes.
“We have twenty-five states locked in. I don’t think any of them will waver in supporting Governor St. Clair. The last state, giving us the majority we need, is where we’ve been having considerable trouble. It involves Matthew Hawkins of Wyoming, the new congressman who will replace Bill Crampton. His foreign policy views are very much aligned with Senator Thurston’s. He supports Thurston completely. We’ve made several attempts to bring him over, but he hasn’t budged.”
There was a slight grumbling from St. Clair and Perryman and Kornilevski.
Ellsworth’s lips curled slightly, subtly, as he looked sourly at Slanetti. No one noticed as he shook his head slightly from side to side.
“There must be someone else besides him,” said St. Clair.
Slanetti smiled, “It would seem so out of so many states,
