“Do whatever you wish, but I’m not on board with what you’re trying to do here. And I can promise you that—”
“Save your angry rhetoric and empty promises for the brief, Justice Williams. And if it’s not in favor of what I suggested, I hope it’s for the dissenting opinion.”
Michaels hung up and stewed for several minutes. He hadn’t anticipated any defectors so soon. But there were other ways to deal with Justice Williams and the problem at hand.
Michaels picked up his phone and buzzed his secretary.
“Heather, get me Frank Stone at the Pentagon on the line. Let him know that I have an urgent matter to discuss with him.”
CHAPTER 11
Milan, Italy
KATARINA PETROV SURVEYED the group of leaders she had assembled in pressing forward with her plan to initiate the one-world currency. In a conference room atop the UniCredit Tower, the diversity of the people gathered around the table was vast, as were their feelings toward her. Against her better judgment, she strong-armed Fournier and Tabart into compliance. The Chinese and South Korean delegates had been willing participants, eager to join a seismic shift in global economics. But Petrov held fast to the belief that the ends justified the means—and this was just the first step.
She stood up from her seat at the head of the table and leaned forward on her knuckles.
“Thank you all for coming together for this truly historic meeting,” she said. “There’s little doubt in my mind that years from now what happens in this room today will be written about in the annals of history. It will be the moment described as when the world banded together, all for the good of the whole.”
She started to pace, her tone measured as she spoke.
“For some of your countries, the decision to make this shift will mean your economy will suffer in the short term,” she continued. “It’s not easy to convince your fellow citizens that even though it’s not immediately in their best interest to do this, it will be better for the world as a whole. Most people care more about their current state of affairs than anything else. But you—you are all visionaries, people with a dream about what this world can become. And it is because of you and your ability to set aside poll numbers and public opinion in favor of simply doing what is right. Every one of you is a hero. And while you may not feel like it now, in due time, you will. People will celebrate your courageous leadership for years to come.”
She cast a glance at Malcolm Tabart, who refused to make eye contact with her from the moment he entered the room. She scanned the table and locked eyes with Gaspard Fournier, who forced a smile, though his narrowed eyes betrayed him.
“As we gather here in Milan, just north of one of the most famed cities in the world, we are aware of a famous axiom about this city: Rome was not built in a day,” Petrov said. “In fact, Rome was built over many years of hard work by ambitious politicians and generals who imagined an empire that would benefit the entire world. That is our aim as well. We know that what we are on the cusp of doing is not something we can accomplish by signing a document and making a statement in front of journalists. No, what we decide today in this room is just the beginning.”
She walked back to the head of the table and eased into her chair.
“Now, before we construct the final agreement to all sign, are there any issues we need to discuss before we move forward?”
The room remained silent for several seconds other than a few men restlessly shifting in their seats. Claude Bertrand, the director of the French banking system, finally spoke.
“I know this might sound ironic coming from a Frenchman, but I can’t help but notice the glaring absence of a delegate from the United States around this table. They have not been what I would consider cooperative under President Michaels, but they are still an economic power in the world today. What happens if they decide to downgrade the one-world currency?”
Petrov shrugged. “Why do we need the United States? They do far more importing than exporting. If they want the goods our countries produce, they will have to pay the market rates that we determine.”
Ville Löfström, a diminutive Finnish man, cleared his throat before responding.
“If I may,” he asked, nodding toward Petrov.
She gestured for him to continue.
“I find the exclusion of the United States from this one-world currency proposal somewhat problematic,” Löfström said. “They import a large number of electrical equipment we produce, not to mention some of our machinery as well. They are our third largest importer. If we lose them as a partner, it will make a significant dent in our economy. I am not sure we can afford to lose them without suffering needlessly.”
“This new arrangement will not prevent Finland from trading with the United States,” Petrov said. “Let me be very clear on that point.”
“But when the exchange of goods ceases to be economically feasible, we will in essence lose them,” Löfström said as he pushed his glasses up on his nose.
“In that case, it will be business as usual, Mr. Löfström,” Petrov said. “Every country knows that trading partners come and go. Perhaps this new currency will open new doors for Finland.”
“The Finnish people are a fickle lot. Signing on with this plan has the potential to cripple our exports. I am not so sure this is in our best interest.”
Petrov leaned back in her chair and folded her arms.
“And what about all your other trading partners?” she asked. “If you think this will make it more difficult with the United States, consider how much more difficult it will make trading with European countries. The ECB has already announced it will make this