2. “The frontiers will be accurately defined.”
That again is quite right, if only these definitions could have a little more stability; but it is pitiable even to see what everlasting shiftings these blue and green lines on the maps have to suffer unceasingly.
3. “The public debts will be allocated in proportion to the populations.”
That I did not understand. In my studies I had not got up to questions of political economy and finance. I took interest in politics only so far as they bore on peace and war, for this was the vital question to me as a human being and a wife.
4. “The duchies bear the cost of the war.”
That again was to some extent intelligible to me. The country had been devastated, its harvests trampled down, its sons massacred; some reparation was due to it: so let it pay the expenses of the war.
“And what news is there about Schleswig-Holstein?” I myself asked, as the conversation had not yet been brought into the field of politics.
“The latest news is,” said my father, “on August 13 that Herr v. Beust has put the question before the assembly of the Bund, with what right can the allies accept the cession of the duchies from a king whom the Bund has never recognised as their lawful possessor?”
“That is truly a very reasonable objection,” I remarked, “for it surely means that the Protocol-Prince is not the legitimate lord of German soil, and now you accept it solemnly from Christian IX.”
“You don’t understand, dear,” interrupted my father. “It is only an impudence, a trick of this Herr v. Beust, nothing else. The duchies, besides, belong to us already, for we have conquered them.”
“But surely not conquered them for yourselves? for the Augustenburg.”
“That again you do not understand. The reasons, which before the outbreak of a war are put forward by the cabinets as the motive for it, retreat into the background as soon as the battles are once engaged. Then the victories and defeats bring out quite new combinations; then kingdoms diminish or increase, or shape themselves in relations before unforeseen.”
“These reasons then are really no reasons, but only pretexts?” I asked.
“Pretexts? no,” said one of the generals, coming to my father’s aid; “motives rather, starting-points for the events which then shape themselves according to the scale of the results.”
“If I had had to speak,” said my father, “I would really not have given in to any peace negotiations after Düppel and Alsen; all Denmark might have been conquered.”
“What to do with it?”
“Incorporate it in the German Bund.”
“Why, your speciality is only that of an Austrian patriot, dear father. What business is it of yours to enlarge Germany?”
“Have you forgotten that the Hapsburgs were German emperors, and may become so again?”
“That would rejoice you?”
“What Austrian would it not fill with joy and pride?”
“But,” remarked Frederick, “suppose the other great power of Germany cherishes similar dreams?”
My father laughed outright.
“What! the crown of the Holy Romano-German Empire on the head of a Protestant kingling? Are you in your senses?”
“Whether now or at another time,” said Dr. Bresser, “a quarrel will occur between the two powers over the object for which they have fought in alliance. To conquer the Elbe provinces, that was a trifle; but what to do with them? That may yet give occasion to all kinds of complications. Every war, however it may turn out, inevitably contains within itself the germ of a succeeding war. Very naturally; for an act of violence always violates some right. Sooner or later this right raises its claims, and the new conflict breaks out, is then again brought to a conclusion by force pregnant with injustice, and so on, ad infinitum.”
A few days later a fresh event occurred. King William of Prussia paid a visit to the emperor at Schönbrunn. Extraordinarily warm reception, embraces, the Prussian Eagle hoisted, Prussian popular hymns played by all the military bands, triumphant huzzahs. To me this news was satisfactory, for by it the evil prophecies of Dr. Bresser were put to shame, that the two powers would get into a quarrel with each other over the countries they had joined in liberating. The newspapers also gave expression on all hands to this consolatory assurance.
My father was equally pleased with the friendly news from Schönbrunn. Not, however, from the point of view of peace, but of war. “I am glad,” he said, “that we have now a new ally. In alliance with Prussia we can, just as easily as we have conquered the Elbe provinces, get Lombardy back again.”
“Napoleon III will not consent to that; and Prussia will certainly not be willing to embroil herself with him,” one of the generals said. “Besides, it is a bad sign that Benedetti, the bitterest enemy of Austria, is now ambassador at Berlin.”
“But tell me, gentlemen,” I cried out, folding my hands together, “why do not all the civilised states in Europe form an alliance? That surely would be the simplest way.”
The gentlemen shrugged their shoulders, smiled in a superior fashion, and gave me no answer. I had plainly given utterance again to one of those silly things which “the ladies” are in the habit of saying, when they venture into the, to them, inaccessible region of the higher politics.
The autumn had come, peace was signed at Vienna on October 30, and with it had come the time when my darling wish, Frederick’s retirement, could be carried out. But man proposes, and circumstances master him. An event occurred—a heavy blow for me—which brought to nothing the plans we had cherished so joyfully. It was simply this: the house of Schmidt & Sons failed, and my whole private fortune was gone.
This bankruptcy was also a sequel of the war. The shot and shells shatter not only the walls against which they are aimed, but, through this destruction, banking houses and financial companies over
