“Well, then, let’s don’t say anything till we have the tests all finished,” Keating proposed.
“No!” Melroy cried. “Every minute those two are on the job, there’s a chance they may do something disastrous. I’ll fire them at oh-eight-hundred tomorrow.”
“All right,” Keating shook his head. “I only work here. But don’t say I didn’t warn you.”
By 0930 the next morning, Keating’s forebodings began to be realized. The first intimation came with a phone call to Melroy from Crandall, who accused him of having used the psychological tests as a fraudulent pretext for discharging Koffler and Burris for union activities. When Melroy rejected his demand that the two men be reinstated, Crandall demanded to see the records of the tests.
“They’re here at my office,” Melroy told him. “You’re welcome to look at them, and hear recordings of the oral portions of the tests. But I’d advise you to bring a professional psychologist along, because unless you’re a trained psychologist yourself, they’re not likely to mean much to you.”
“Oh, sure!” Crandall retorted. “They’d have to be unintelligible to ordinary people, or you couldn’t get away with this frame-up! Well, don’t worry, I’ll be along to see them.”
Within ten minutes, the phone rang again. This time it was Leighton, the Atomic Power Authority man.
“We’re much disturbed about this dispute between your company and the I.F.A.W.,” he began.
“Well, frankly, so am I,” Melroy admitted. “I’m here to do a job, not play Hatfields and McCoys with this union. I’ve had union trouble before, and it isn’t fun. You’re the gentleman who called me last evening, aren’t you? Then you understand my position in the matter.”
“Certainly, Mr. Melroy. I was talking to Colonel Bradshaw, the security officer, last evening. He agrees that a stupid or careless workman is, under some circumstances, a more serious threat to security than any saboteur. And we realize fully how dangerous those Doernberg-Giardanos are, and how much more dangerous they’d be if these cybernetic controls were improperly assembled. But this man Crandall is talking about calling a strike.”
“Well, let him. In the first place, it’d be against me, not against the Atomic Power Authority. And, in the second place, if he does and it goes to Federal mediation, his demand for the reinstatement of those men will be thrown out, and his own organization will have to disavow his action, because he’ll be calling the strike against his own contract.”
“Well, I hope so.” Leighton’s tone indicated that the hope was rather dim. “I wish you luck; you’re going to need it.”
Within the hour, Crandall arrived at Melroy’s office. He was a young man; he gave Melroy the impression of having recently seen military service; probably in the Indonesian campaign of ’62 and ’63; he also seemed a little cocky and over-sure of himself.
“Mr. Melroy, we’re not going to stand for this,” he began, as soon as he came into the room. “You’re using these so-called tests as a pretext for getting rid of Mr. Koffler and Mr. Burris because of their legitimate union activities.”
“Who gave you that idea?” Melroy wanted to know. “Koffler and Burris?”
“That’s the complaint they made to me, and it’s borne out by the facts,” Crandall replied. “We have on record at least half a dozen complaints that Mr. Koffler has made to us about different unfair work-assignments, improper working conditions, inequities in allotting overtime work, and other infractions of union-shop conditions, on behalf of Mr. Burris. So you decided to get rid of both of them, and you think you can use this clause in our contract with your company about persons of deficient intelligence. The fact is, you’re known to have threatened on several occasions to get rid of both of them.”
“I am?” Melroy looked at Crandall curiously, wondering if the latter were serious, and deciding that he was. “You must believe anything those people tell you. Well, they lied to you if they told you that.”
“Naturally that’s what you’d say,” Crandall replied. “But how do you account for the fact that those two men, and only those two men, were dismissed for alleged deficient intelligence?”
“The tests aren’t all made,” Melroy replied. “Until they are, you can’t say that they are the only ones disqualified. And if you look over the records of the tests, you’ll see where Koffler and Burris failed and the others passed. Here.” He laid the pile of written-test forms and the summary and evaluation sheets on the desk. “Here’s Koffler’s, and here’s Burris’; these are the ones of the men who passed the test. Look them over if you want to.”
Crandall examined the forms and summaries for the two men who had been discharged, and compared them with several random samples from the satisfactory pile.
“Why, this stuff’s a lot of gibberish!” he exclaimed indignantly. “This thing, here … five Limerick oysters, six pairs of Don Alfonso tweezers, seven hundred Macedonian warriors in full battle array, eight golden crowns from the ancient, secret crypts of Egypt, nine lymphatic, sympathetic, peripatetic old men on crutches, and ten revolving heliotropes from the Ipsy-Wipsy Institute!’ Great Lord, do you actually mean that you’re using this stuff as an excuse for depriving men of their jobs?”
“I warned you that you should have brought a professional psychologist along,” Melroy reminded him. “And maybe you ought to get Koffler and Burris to repeat their complaints on a lie-detector, while you’re at it. They took the same tests, in the same manner, as any of the others. They just didn’t have the mental equipment to cope with them and the others did. And for that reason, I won’t run the risk of having them working on this job.”
“That’s just your word against theirs,” Crandall insisted obstinately. “Their complaint is that you framed this whole thing up to get rid
