“At least, you’re not one of these plain-living-and-right-thinking fanatics, like Wilton Joyner and Harvey Graves,” Cardon said. “On top of everything else, that I could not take.”
Lancedale’s thin face broke into a smile, little wrinkles putting his mouth in parentheses. Cardon sampled the coffee, and then used a Sixteenth Century Italian stiletto from Lancedale’s desk to perforate the end of his cigar.
“Much as I hate it, I’ll have to get out of here as soon as I can,” he said. “I don’t know how long O’Reilly can keep me covered, down at the tavern—”
Lancedale nodded. “Well, how are things going, then?”
“First of all, the brewery,” Cardon began.
Lancedale consigned the brewery to perdition. “That’s just your cover; any money it makes is purely irrelevant. How about the election?”
“Pelton’s in,” Cardon said. “As nearly in as any candidate ever was before the polls opened. Three months ago, the Independents were as solid as Gibraltar used to be. Today, they look like Gibraltar after that H-bomb hit it. The only difference is, they don’t know what hit them, yet.”
“Hamilton’s campaign manager does,” Lancedale said. “Did you hear his telecast, this morning?”
Cardon shook his head. Lancedale handed over a little half-inch, thirty-minute, record disk.
“All you need is the first three or four minutes,” he said. “The rest of it is repetition.”
Cardon put the disk in his pocket recorder and set it for playback, putting the plug in his ear. After a while, he shut it off and took out the ear plug.
“That’s bad! What are we going to do about it?”
Lancedale shrugged. “What are you going to do?” he countered. “You’re Pelton’s campaign manager—Heaven pity him.”
Cardon thought for a moment. “We’ll play it for laughs,” he decided. “Some of our semantics experts could make the joke of the year out of it by the time the polls open tomorrow. The Fraternities bribing their worst enemy to attack them, so that he can ruin their business; who’s been listening to a tape of Alice in Wonderland at Independent-Conservative headquarters?”
“That would work,” Lancedale agreed. “And we can count on our friends Joyner and Graves to give you every possible assistance with their customary bull-in-a-china-shop tactics. I suppose you’ve seen these posters they’ve been plastering around: If you can read this, Chester Pelton is your sworn enemy! A vote for Pelton is a vote for your own enslavement!
”
“Naturally. And have you seen the telecast we’ve been using—a view of it, with a semantically correct spoken paraphrase?”
Lancedale nodded. “And I’ve also noticed that those posters have been acquiring different obscene crayon-drawings, too. That’s just typical of the short-range Joyner-Graves mentality. Why, they’ve made more votes for Pelton than he’s made for himself. Is it any wonder we’re convinced that people like that aren’t to be trusted to formulate the future policy of the Fraternities?”
“Well … they’ve proved themselves wrong. I wonder, though, if we can prove ourselves right, in the long run. There are times when this thing scares me, chief. If anything went wrong—”
“What, for instance?”
“Somebody could get to Pelton.” Cardon made a stabbing gesture with the stiletto, which he still held. “Maybe you don’t really know how hot this thing’s gotten. What we had to cut out of Mongery’s report, this morning—”
“Oh, I’ve been keeping in touch,” Lancedale understated gently.
“Well then. If anything happened to Pelton, there wouldn’t be a Literate left alive in this city twelve hours later. And I question whether or not Graves and Joyner know that.”
“I think they do. If they don’t, it’s not because I’ve failed to point it out to them. Of course, there are the Independent-Conservative grafters; a lot of them are beginning to hear jail doors opening for them, and they’re scared. But I think routine body-guarding ought to protect Pelton from them, or from any isolated fanatics.”
“And there is also the matter of Pelton’s daughter, and his son,” Cardon said. “We know, and Graves and Joyner know, and I assume that Slade Gardner knows, that they can both read and write as well as any Literate in the Fraternities. Suppose that got out between now and the election?”
“And that could not only hurt Pelton, but it would expose the work we’ve been doing in the schools,” Lancedale added. “And even inside the Fraternities, that would raise the devil. Joyner and Graves don’t begin to realize how far we’ve gone with that. They could kick up a simply hideous row about it!”
“And if Pelton found out that his kids are Literates—Woooo!” Cardon grimaced. “Or what we’ve been doing to him. I hope I’m not around when that happens. I’m beginning to like the cantankerous old bugger.”
“I was afraid of that,” Lancedale said. “Well, don’t let it interfere with what you have to do. Remember, Frank; the Plan has to come first, always.”
He walked with O’Reilly to the street door, talking about tomorrow’s election; after shaking hands with the saloon keeper, he crossed the sidewalk and stepped onto the beltway, moving across the strips until he came to the twenty m.p.h. strip. The tall office buildings of upper Yonkers Borough marched away as he stood on the strip, appreciatively puffing at Lancedale’s cigar. The character of the street changed; the buildings grew lower, and the quiet and fashionable ground-floor shops and cafés gave place to bargain stores, their audio-advertisers whooping urgently about improbable prices and offerings, and garish, noisy, crowded bars and cafeterias blaring recorded popular music. There was quite a bit of political advertising in evidence—huge pictures of the two major senatorial candidates. He estimated that Chester Pelton’s bald head and bulldog features appeared twice for every one of Grant Hamilton’s white locks, old-fashioned spectacles and self-satisfied smirk.
Then he came to the building on which he had parked his ’copter, and left the beltway, entering and riding up to the landing stage on the helical escalator. There seemed to have been some trouble; about a dozen Independent-Conservative storm troopers, in their white robes and hoods,
