behalf of this editor that he did in truth believe that he had been hindered from doing good. The whole practice of his life had taught him to be confident that the editor of a newspaper must be the best possible judge⁠—indeed the only possible good judge⁠—whether any statement or story should or should not be published. Not altogether without a conscience, and intensely conscious of such conscience as did constrain him, Mr. Quintus Slide imagined that no law of libel, no injunction from any Vice-Chancellor, no outward power or pressure whatever was needed to keep his energies within their proper limits. He and his newspaper formed together a simply beneficent institution, any interference with which must of necessity be an injury to the public. Everything done at the office of the People’s Banner was done in the interest of the People⁠—and, even though individuals might occasionally be made to suffer by the severity with which their names were handled in its columns, the general result was good. What are the sufferings of the few to the advantage of the many? If there be fault in high places, it is proper that it be exposed. If there be fraud, adulteries, gambling, and lasciviousness⁠—or even quarrels and indiscretions among those whose names are known, let every detail be laid open to the light, so that the people may have a warning. That such details will make a paper “pay” Mr. Slide knew also; but it is not only in Mr. Slide’s path of life that the bias of a man’s mind may lead him to find that virtue and profit are compatible. An unprofitable newspaper cannot long continue its existence, and, while existing, cannot be widely beneficial. It is the circulation, the profitable circulation⁠—of forty, fifty, sixty, or a hundred thousand copies through all the arteries and veins of the public body which is beneficent. And how can such circulation be effected unless the taste of the public be consulted? Mr. Quintus Slide, as he walked up Westminster Hall, in search of that wicked member of Parliament, did not at all doubt the goodness of his cause. He could not contest the Vice-Chancellor’s injunction, but he was firm in his opinion that the Vice-Chancellor’s injunction had inflicted an evil on the public at large, and he was unhappy within himself in that the power and majesty and goodness of the press should still be hampered by ignorance, prejudice, and favour for the great. He was quite sure that no injunction would have been granted in favour of Mr. Joseph Smith and Mr. John Jones.

He went boldly up to one of the policemen who sit guarding the door of the lobby of our House of Commons, and asked for Mr. Finn. The Cerberus on the left was not sure whether Mr. Finn was in the House, but would send in a card if Mr. Slide would stand on one side. For the next quarter of an hour Mr. Slide heard no more of his message, and then applied again to the Cerberus. The Cerberus shook his head, and again desired the applicant to stand on one side. He had done all that in him lay. The other watchful Cerberus standing on the right, observing that the intruder was not accommodated with any member, intimated to him the propriety of standing back in one of the corners. Our editor turned round upon the man as though he would bite him;⁠—but he did stand back, meditating an article on the gross want of attention to the public shown in the lobby of the House of Commons. Is it possible that any editor should endure any inconvenience without meditating an article? But the judicious editor thinks twice of such things. Our editor was still in his wrath when he saw his prey come forth from the House with a card⁠—no doubt his own card. He leaped forward in spite of the policeman, in spite of any Cerberus, and seized Phineas by the arm. “I want just to have a few words,” he said. He made an effort to repress his wrath, knowing that the whole world would be against him should he exhibit any violence of indignation on that spot; but Phineas could see it all in the fire of his eye.

“Certainly,” said Phineas, retiring to the side of the lobby, with a conviction that the distance between him and the House was already sufficient.

“Can’t you come down into Westminster Hall?”

“I should only have to come up again. You can say what you’ve got to say here.”

“I’ve got a great deal to say. I never was so badly treated in my life;⁠—never.” He could not quite repress his voice, and he saw that a policeman looked at him. Phineas saw it also.

“Because we have hindered you from publishing an untrue and very slanderous letter about a lady!”

“You promised me that you’d come to me yesterday.”

“I think not. I think I said that you should hear from me⁠—and you did.”

“You call that truth⁠—and honesty!”

“Certainly I do. Of course it was my first duty to stop the publication of the letter.”

“You haven’t done that yet.”

“I’ve done my best to stop it. If you have nothing more to say I’ll wish you good evening.”

“I’ve a deal more to say. You were shot at, weren’t you?”

“I have no desire to make any communication to you on anything that has occurred, Mr. Slide. If I stayed with you all the afternoon I could tell you nothing more. Good evening.”

“I’ll crush you,” said Quintus Slide, in a stage whisper; “I will, as sure as my name is Slide.”

Phineas looked at him and retired into the House, whither Quintus Slide could not follow him, and the editor of the People’s Banner was left alone in his anger.

“How a cock can crow on his own dunghill!” That was Mr. Slide’s first feeling, as with a painful sense of diminished consequence he retraced his steps through the outer lobbies and down into

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