The fullest and fairest discussion of the very simple yet never settled question of Augustine’s learning will be found in Nourrisson’s Philosophie de S. Augustin, II. 92–100. ↩
Erasmi Epistolae XX. 2. ↩
A large part of it has been translated in Saisset’s Pantheism (Clark, Edin.). ↩
By J. H., published in 1610, and again in 1620, with Vives’ commentary. ↩
As the letters of Vives are not in every library, we give his comico-pathetic account of the result of his Augustinian labours on his health: “Ex quo Augustinum perfeci, nunquam valui ex sententia; proximâ vero hebdomade et hac, fracto corpore cuncto, et nervis lassitudine quadam et debilitate dejectis, in caput decem turres incumbere mihi videntur incidendo pondere, ac mole intolerabili; isti sunt fructus studiorum, et merces pulcherrimi laboris; quid labor et benefacta juvant?” ↩
See the Editor’s Preface. ↩
Psalm 94:15, rendered otherwise in English versions. ↩
James 4:6 and 1 Peter 5:5. ↩
Virgil, Aeneid, VI. 854. ↩
The Benedictines remind us that Alexander and Xenophon, at least on some occasions, did so. ↩
Virgil, Aeneid, II. 501–2. The renderings of Virgil are from Conington. ↩
Aeneid II. 166. ↩
Aeneid II. 166. ↩
Horace, Epistles I. II. 69. ↩
Aeneid, I. 71. ↩
Aeneid II. 319. ↩
Aeneid II. 293. ↩
Non numina bona, sed omina mala. ↩
Virgil, Aeneid, II. 761. ↩
Though “levis” was the word usually employed to signify the inconstancy of the Greeks, it is evidently here used, in opposition to “immanis” of the following clause, to indicate that the Greeks were more civilised than the barbarians, and not relentless, but, as we say, easily moved. ↩
De Conjuratione Catilinae ch. 51. ↩
Sallust, De Conjuratione Catilinae IX. ↩
Psalm 89:32. ↩
Matthew 5:45. ↩
Romans 2:4. ↩
So Cyprian (Contra Demetrianum) says, “Poenam de adversis mundi ille sentit, cui et laetitia et gloria omnis in mundo est.” ↩
Ezekiel 33:6. ↩
Compare with this chapter the first homily of Chrysostom to the people of Antioch. ↩
Romans 8:28. ↩
1 Peter 3:4. ↩
1 Timothy 6:6–10. ↩
Job 1:21. ↩
1 Timothy 6:17–19. ↩
Matthew 6:19–21. ↩
Paulinus was a native of Bordeaux, and both by inheritance and marriage acquired great wealth, which, after his conversion in his thirty-sixth year, he distributed to the poor. He became bishop of Nola in AD 409, being then in his fifty-sixth year. Nola was taken by Alaric shortly after the sack of Rome. ↩
Much of a kindred nature might be gathered from the Stoics. Antoninus says (II. 14): “Though thou shouldest be going to live 3,000 years, and as many times 10,000 years, still remember that no man loses any other life than this which he now lives, nor lives any other than this which he now loses. The longest and the shortest are thus brought to the same.” ↩
Augustine expresses himself more fully on this subject in his tract, De cura pro mortuis gerenda. ↩
Matthew 10:28. ↩
Luke 12:4. ↩
Psalm 79:2, 3. ↩
Psalm 116:15. ↩
Diogenes especially, and his followers. See also Seneca, De Tranquillitate Animi ch. 14, and Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium 92; and in Cicero’s Tusculanae Disputationes I. 43, the answer of Theodorus, the Cyrenian philosopher, to Lysimachus, who threatened him with the cross: “Threaten that to your courtiers; it is of no consequence to Theodorus whether he rot in the earth or in the air.” ↩
Lucan, Pharsalia, VII. 819, of those whom Caesar forbade to be buried after the battle of Pharsalia. ↩
Genesis 25:9, 35:29, etc. ↩
Genesis 47:29, 50:24. ↩
Tobit 12:12. ↩
Matthew 26:10–13. ↩
John 19:38. ↩
Daniel 3. ↩
Jonah. ↩
“Second to none,” as he is called by Herodotus, who first of all tells his well-known story (Clio. 23, 24). ↩
Augustine here uses the words of Cicero (“vigilando peremerunt”), who refers to Regulus, in Pisonem, ch. 19. Aulus Gellius, quoting Tubero and Tuditanus (VI. 4), adds some further particulars regarding these tortures. ↩
As the Stoics generally would affirm. ↩
Virgil, Aeneid, VI. 434. ↩
Plutarch’s Life of Cato, 72. ↩
1 Corinthians 2:11. ↩
Ecclesiasticus 3:27. ↩
Romans 11:33. ↩
