Easterly argued that the labor was too unskilled in the South and that to send Northern spinners down would spread labor troubles. Taylor replied briefly: “Never fear; we’ll scare them with a vision of niggers in the mills!”
Colonel Cresswell was not so easily won over to the new scheme. In the first place he was angry because the school, which he had come to regard as on its last legs, somehow still continued to flourish. The ten-thousand-dollar mortgage had but three more years, and that would end all; but he had hoped for a crash even earlier. Instead of this, Miss Smith was cheerfully expanding the work, hiring new teachers, and especially she had brought to help her two young Negroes whom he suspected. Colonel Cresswell had prevented the Tolliver land sale, only to be inveigled himself into Zora’s scheme which now began to worry him. He must evict Zora’s tenants as soon as the crops were planted and harvested. There was nothing unjust about such a course, he argued, for Negroes anyway were too lazy and shiftless to buy the land. They would not, they could not, work without driving. All this he imparted to John Taylor, to which that gentleman listened carefully.
“H’m, I see,” he owned. “And I know the way out.”
“How?”
“A cotton mill in Toomsville.”
“What’s that got to do with it?”
“Bring in whites.”
“But I don’t want poor white trash; I’d sooner have niggers.”
“Now, see here,” argued Taylor, “you can’t have everything you want—day’s gone by for aristocracy of old kind. You must have neighbors: choose, then, white or black. I say white.”
“But they’ll rule us—outvote us—marry our daughters,” warmly objected the Colonel.
“Some of them may—most of them won’t. A few of them with brains will help us rule the rest with money. We’ll plant cotton mills beside the cotton fields, use whites to keep niggers in their place, and the fear of niggers to keep the poorer whites in theirs.”
The Colonel looked thoughtful.
“There’s something in that,” he confessed after a while; “but it’s a mighty big experiment, and it may go awry.”
“Not with brains and money to guide it. And at any rate, we’ve got to try it; it’s the next logical step, and we must take it.”
“But in the meantime, I’m not going to give up good old methods; I’m going to set the sheriff behind these lazy niggers,” said the Colonel; “and I’m going to stop that school putting notions into their heads.”
In three short months the mill at Toomsville was open and its wheels whizzing to the boundless pride of the citizens.
“Our enterprise, sir!” they said to the strangers on the strength of the five thousand dollars locally invested.
Once it had vigor to sing, the song of the mill knew no resting; morning and evening, day and night it crooned its rhythmic tune; only during the daylight Sundays did its murmur die to a sibilant hiss. All the week its doors were filled with the coming and going of men and women and children: many men, more women, and greater and greater throngs of children. It seemed to devour children, sitting with its myriad eyes gleaming and its black maw open, drawing in the pale white mites, sucking their blood and spewing them out paler and ever paler. The face of the town began to change, showing a ragged tuberculous looking side with dingy homes in short and homely rows.
There came gradually a new consciousness to the town. Hitherto town and country had been ruled by a few great landlords but at the very first election, Colton, an unknown outsider, had beaten the regular candidate for sheriff by such a majority that the big property owners dared not count him out. They had, however, an earnest consultation with John Taylor.
“It’s just as I said,” growled Colonel Cresswell, “if you don’t watch out our whole plantation system will be ruined and we’ll be governed by this white trash from the hills.”
“There’s only one way,” sighed Caldwell, the merchant; “we’ve got to vote the niggers.”
John Taylor laughed. “Nonsense!” he spurned the suggestion. “You’re old-fashioned. Let the mill-hands have the offices. What good will it do?”
“What good! Why, they’ll do as they please with us.”
“Bosh! Don’t we own the mill? Can’t we keep wages where we like by threatening to bring in nigger labor?”
“No, you can’t, permanently,” Maxwell disputed, “for they sometime will call your bluff.”
“Let ’em call,” said Taylor, “and we’ll put niggers in the mills.”
“What!” ejaculated the landlords in chorus. Only Maxwell was silent. “And kill the plantation system?”
“Oh, maybe some time, of course. But not for years; not until you’ve made your pile. You don’t really expect to keep the darkies down forever, do you?”
“No, I don’t,” Maxwell slowly admitted. “This system can’t last always—sometimes I think it can’t last long. It’s wrong, through and through. It’s built on ignorance, theft, and force, and I wish to God we had courage enough to overthrow it and take the consequences. I wish it was possible to be a Southerner and a Christian and an honest man, to treat niggers and dagoes and white trash like men, and be big enough to say, ‘To Hell with consequences!’ ”
Colonel Cresswell stared at his neighbor, speechless with bewilderment and outraged traditions. Such unbelievable heresy from a Northerner or a Negro would have been natural; but from a Southerner whose father had owned five hundred slaves—it was incredible! The other landlords scarcely listened; they were dogged and impatient and they could suggest no remedy. They could only blame the mill for their troubles.
John Taylor left the conference blithely. “No,” he said to the committee from the new mill-workers’ union. “Can’t raise wages, gentlemen, and can’t lessen hours. Mill is just started and not yet paying expenses. You’re getting better wages than you ever got. If you don’t want to work, quit. There are plenty of others, white and black, who want
