Der wirtschaftende Mensch in der Geschichte. —⁠Translator’s Note) I shall also refer to this criticism in special footnotes in the proper places. I invite anyone who may be interested to convince himself by comparison that I have not in revision left out, changed the meaning of, weakened, or added materially different statements to, a single sentence of my essay which contained any essential point. There was no occasion to do so, and the development of my exposition will convince anyone who still doubts. The two latter writers engaged in a more bitter quarrel with each other than with me. Brentano’s criticism of Sombart’s book, Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben, I consider in many points well founded, but often very unjust, even apart from the fact that Brentano does not himself seem to understand the real essence of the problem of the Jews (which is entirely omitted from this essay, but will be dealt with later [in a later section of the Religionssoziologie. —⁠Translator’s Note]).

From theologians I have received numerous valuable suggestions in connection with this study. Its reception on their part has been in general friendly and impersonal, in spite of wide differences of opinion on particular points. This is the more welcome to me since I should not have wondered at a certain antipathy to the manner in which these matters must necessarily be treated here. What to a theologian is valuable in his religion cannot play a very large part in this study. We are concerned with what, from a religious point of view, are often quite superficial and unrefined aspects of religious life, but which, and precisely because they were superficial and unrefined, have often influenced outward behaviour most profoundly.

Another book which, besides containing many other things, is a very welcome confirmation of and supplement to this essay in so far as it deals with our problem, is the important work of E. Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (Tübingen, 1912). It deals with the history of the ethics of Western Christianity from a very comprehensive point of view of its own. I here refer the reader to it for general comparison instead of making repeated references to special points. The author is principally concerned with the doctrines of religion, while I am interested rather in their practical results.

  • The exceptions are explained, not always, but frequently, by the fact that the religious leanings of the labouring force of an industry are naturally, in the first instance, determined by those of the locality in which the industry is situated, or from which its labour is drawn. This circumstance often alters the impression given at first glance by some statistics of religious adherence, for instance in the Rhine provinces. Furthermore, figures can naturally only be conclusive if individual specialized occupations are carefully distinguished in them. Otherwise very large employers may sometimes be grouped together with master craftsmen who work alone, under the category of “proprietors of enterprises.” Above all, the fully developed capitalism of the present day, especially so far as the great unskilled lower strata of labour are concerned, has become independent of any influence which religion may have had in the past. I shall return to this point.

  • Compare, for instance, Schell, Der Katholizismus als Prinzip des Fortschrittes (Würzburg, 1897), p. 31, and V. Hertling, Das Prinzip des Katholizismus und die Wissenschaft (Freiburg, 1899), p. 58.

  • One of my pupils has gone through what is at this time the most complete statistical material we possess on this subject: the religious statistics of Baden. See Martin Offenbacher, “Konfession und soziale Schichtung,” Eine Studie über die wirtschaftliche Lage der Katholiken und Protestanten in Baden (Tübingen und Leipzig, 1901), Vol. IV, part V, of the Volkswirtschaftliche Abhandlungen der badischen Hochschulen. The facts and figures which are used for illustration below are all drawn from this study.

  • For instance, in 1895 in Baden there was taxable capital available for the tax on returns from capital:

    Per 1,000 Protestants 954,000 marks
    Per 1,000 Catholics 589,000 marks

    It is true that the Jews, with over four millions per 1,000, were far ahead of the rest. (For details see Offenbacher, “Konfession und soziale Schichtung,” p. 21.)

  • On this point compare the whole discussion in Offenbacher’s study.

  • On this point also Offenbacher brings forward more detailed evidence for Baden in his first two chapters.

  • The population of Baden was composed in 1895 as follows: Protestants, 37.0 percent; Catholics, 61.3 percent; Jewish, 1.5 percent. The students of schools beyond the compulsory public school stage were, however, divided as follows (Offenbacher, “Konfession und soziale Schichtung,” p. 16):

    Protestant. Catholic. Jews.
    Percent. Percent. Percent.
    Gymnasien 43 46 9.5
    Realgymnasien 69 31 9
    Oberrealschulen 52 41 7
    Realschulen 49 40 11
    Höhere Bürgerschulen 51 37 12
    Average 48 42 10

    (In the Gymnasium the main emphasis is on the classics. In the Realgymnasium Greek is dropped and Latin reduced in favour of modern languages, mathematics and science. The Realschule and Oberrealschule are similar to the latter except that Latin is dropped entirely in favour of modern languages. See G. E. Bolton, The Secondary School System in Germany, New York, 1900. —⁠Translator’s Note)

    The same thing may be observed in Prussia, Bavaria, Würtemberg, Alsace-Lorraine, and Hungary (see figures in Offenbacher, “Konfession und soziale Schichtung,” pp. 16 ff.).

  • See the figures in the preceding note, which show that the Catholic attendance at secondary schools, which is regularly less than the Catholic share of the total population by a third, only exceeds this by a few percent in the case of the grammar schools (mainly in preparation for theological studies). With reference to the subsequent discussion it may further be noted as characteristic that

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