“Cyril?”
“Cyril.”
“Justice.”
“Ah, Fairest Wisdom, don’t mention that horrid word out of the lecture-room. In theory it is all very well; but in poor imperfect earthly practice, a governor must be content with doing very much what comes to hand. In abstract justice, now, I ought to nail up Cyril, deacons, district visitors, and all, in a row, on the sandfill out side. That is simple enough; but, like a great many simple and excellent things, impossible.”
“You fear the people?”
“Well, my dear lady, and has not the villainous demagogue got the whole mob on his side? Am I to have the Constantinople riots reenacted here? I really cannot face it; I have not nerve for it; perhaps I am too lazy. Be it so.”
Hypatia sighed. “Ah, that your excellency but saw the great duel which depends on you alone! Do not fancy that the battle is merely between Paganism and Christianity—”
“Why, if it were, you know, I, as a Christian, under a Christian and sainted emperor, not to mention his august sister—”
“We understand,” interrupted she, with an impatient wave of her beautiful hand. “Not even between them; not even between philosophy and barbarism. The struggle is simply one between the aristocracy and the mob—between wealth, refinement, art, learning, all that makes a nation great, and the savage herd of child-breeders below, the many ignoble, who were meant to labour for the noble few. ‘Shall the Roman empire command or obey her own slaves?’ is the question which you and Cyril have to battle out; and the fight must be internecine.”
“I should not wonder if it became so, really,” answered the prefect, with a shrug of his shoulders. “I expect every time I ride, to have my brains knocked out by some mad monk.”
“Why not? In an age when, as has been well and often said, emperors and consulars crawl to the tombs of a tentmaker and a fisherman, and kiss the mouldy bones of the vilest slaves? Why not, among a people whose God is the crucified son of a carpenter? Why should learning, authority, antiquity, birth, rank, the system of empire which has been growing up, fed by the accumulated wisdom of ages—why, I say, should any of these things protect your life a moment from the fury of any beggar who believes that the Son of God died for him as much as for you, and that he is your equal if not your superior in the sight of his lowborn and illiterate deity!”1
“My most eloquent philosopher, this may be—and perhaps is—all very true. I quite agree that there are very great practical inconveniences of this kind in the new—I mean the Catholic faith; but the world is full of inconveniences. The wise man does not quarrel with his creed for being disagreeable, any more than he does with his finger for aching: he cannot help it, and must make the best of a bad matter. Only tell me how to keep the peace.”
“And let philosophy be destroyed?”
“That it never will be, as long as Hypatia lives to illuminate the earth; and, as far as I am concerned, I promise you a clear stage and—a great deal of favour; as is proved by my visiting you publicly at this moment, before I have given audience to one of the four hundred bores, great and small, who are waiting in the tribunal to torment me. Do help me and advise me. What am I to do?”
“I have told you.”
“Ah, yes, as to general principles. But out of the lecture-room I prefer a practical expedient for instance, Cyril writes to me here—plague on him! he would not let me even have a week’s hunting in peace—that there is a plot on the part of the Jews to murder all the Christians. Here is the precious document—do look at it, in pity. For aught I know or care, the plot may be an exactly opposite one, and the Christians intend to murder all the Jews. But I must take some notice of the letter.”
“I do not see that, your excellency.”
“Why, if anything did happen, after all, conceive the missives which would be sent flying off to Constantinople against me!”
“Let them go. If you are secure in the consciousness of innocence, what matter?”
“Consciousness of innocence? I shall lose my prefecture!”
“Your danger would just be as great if you took notice of it. Whatever happened, you would be accused of favouring the Jews.”
“And really there might be some truth in the accusation. How the finances of the provinces would go on without their kind assistance, I dare not think. If those Christians would but lend me their money, instead of building alms-houses and hospitals with it, they might burn the Jews’ quarter tomorrow, for aught I care. But now. …”
“But now, you must absolutely take no notice of this letter. The very tone of it forbids you, for your own honour, and the honour of the empire. Are you to treat with a man who talks of the masses at Alexandria as ‘the flock whom the King of kings has committed to his rule and care’? Does your excellency, or this proud bishop, govern Alexandria?”
“Really, my dear lady, I have given up inquiring.”
“But he has not. He comes to you as a person possessing an absolute authority over two-thirds of the population, which he does not scruple to hint to you is derived from a higher source than your own. The consequence is clear. If it be from a higher source than yours, of course it ought to control yours; and you will confess that it ought to control it—you will acknowledge the root and ground of every extravagant claim which he makes, if you deign to reply.”
“But I must say something, or I shall be pelted in the streets. You philosophers, however raised above your own bodies you
