“Do you maintain,” said Caerlaverock, stuttering in his wrath, “that the British Government should divest itself of responsibility for the governement of our great Indian Dependency?”
“Not a bit,” said Vennard impatiently; “of course we are responsible, but that is all the more reason why the fellows who know the business at first hand should do their duty. If I am the head of a bank I am responsible for its policy, but that doesn’t mean that every local bank-manager should consult me about the solvency of clients I never heard of. Faversham keeps bleating to me that the state of India is dangerous. Well, for God’s sake let him suppress every native paper, shut up the schools, and send every agitator to the Andamans. I’ll back him up all right. But don’t let him ask me what to do, for I don’t know.”
“You think such a course would be popular?” asked a large, grave man, a newspaper editor.
“Of course it would,” said Vennard cheerily. “The British public hates the idea of letting India get out of hand. But they want a lead. They can’t be expected to start the show any more than I can.”
Lord Caerlaverock rose to join the ladies with an air of outraged dignity. Vennard pulled out his watch and announced that he must go back to the House.
“Do you know what I am going to do?” he asked. “I am going down to tell Simpson what I think of him. He gets up and prates of having been forty years in India. Well, I am going to tell him that it is to him and his forty-year lot that all this muddle is due. Oh, I assure you, there’s going to be a row,” said Vennard, as he struggled into his coat.
Mulross had been sitting next me, and I asked him if he was leaving town. “I wish I could,” he said, “but I fear I must stick on over the Twelth. I don’t like the way that fellow Von Kladow has been talking. He’s up to no good, and he’s going to get a flea in his ear before he is very much older.”
Cheerfully, almost hilariously the three Ministers departed, Vennard and Cargill in a hansom and Mulross on foot. I can only describe the condition of those left behind as nervous prostration. We looked furtively at each other, each afraid to hint his suspicions, but all convinced that a surprising judgment had befallen at least two members of his Majesty’s Government. For myself I put the number at three, for I did not like to hear a respected Whig Foreign Secretary talk about giving the Chancellor of a friendly but jealous Power a flea in his ear.
The only unperplexed face was Deloraine’s. He whispered to me that Miss Barriton was going on to the Alvanleys’ ball, and had warned him to be there. “She hasn’t been to a dance for months, you know,” he said. “I really think things are beginning to go a little better, old man.”
III
When I opened my paper next morning I read two startling pieces of news. Lord Mulross had been knocked down by a taxicab on his way home the night before, and was now in bed suffering from a bad shock and a bruised ankle. There was no cause for anxiety, said the report, but his lordship must keep his room for a week or two.
The second item, which filled leading articles and overflowed into “Political Notes,” was Mr. Vennard’s speech. The Secretary for India had gone down about eleven o’clock to the House, where an Indian debate was dragging out its slow length. He sat himself on the Treasury Bench and took notes, and the House soon filled in anticipation of his reply. His “tail”—progressive young men like himself—were there in full strength, ready to cheer every syllable which fell from their idol. Somewhere about half-past twelve he rose to wind up the debate, and the House was treated to an unparalleled sensation. He began with his critics, notably the unfortunate Simpson, and, pretty much in Westbury’s language to the herald, called them silly old men who did not understand their silly old business. But it was the reasons he gave for this abuse which left his followers aghast. He attacked his critics not for being satraps and reactionaries, but because they had dared to talk second-rate Western politics in connection with India.
“Have you lived for forty years with your eyes shut,” he cried, “that you cannot see the difference between a Bengali, married at fifteen and worshipping a pantheon of savage gods, and the university-extension Young Radical at home? There is a thousand years between them, and you dream of annihilating the centuries with a little dubious popular science!” Then he turned to the other critics of Indian administration—his quondam supporters. He analysed the character of these “members for India” with a vigour and acumen which deprived them of speech. The East, he said, had had its revenge upon the West by making certain Englishmen babus. His honourable friends had the same slipshod minds, and they talked the same pigeon-English, as the patriots of Bengal. Then his mood changed, and he delivered a solemn warning against what he called “the treason begotten of restless vanity and proved incompetence.” He sat down, leaving a House deeply impressed and horribly mystified.
The Times did not know what to make of it at all. In a weighty leader it welcomed Mr. Vennard’s conversion, but hinted that with a convert’s zeal he had slightly overstated his case. The Daily Chronicle talked of “nervous breakdown,” and suggested
