Battle Born

“Sir, it is as you have said in the past: they did this in their own self-interest. The Americans, like the Chinese and Russians in the North, used Korea as a way to intimidate their superpower enemies, not to protect us,” Kim replied. “You know as well as I that Washington would have never agreed to your plan to reunite the peninsula. We were forced to do it on our own because of American intransigence. And now they want to take our hard-won weapons away? I say no!”

President Kwon was accustomed to his defense minister’s strident tone, although it troubled him. He looked around the conference table. “Your opinions, gentlemen?”

“I disagree with Minister Kim, sir,” Foreign Minister Kang said rather nervously. “Retaining those weapons will only harm our relations overseas. We will be seen as a nuclear wild card, like Israel or Iran. That will not be good for our cause.”

“I agree with Minister Kim,” General An said. No surprise there, Kwon thought. Although in this room he was considered an equal in rank and status, An needed Kim’s endorsement to move up the ladder and become the next minister of defense when the general retired, so he usually sided with Kim on policy questions. “We should deal with China and the rest of the world from a position of strength, not weakness. Although I agree that the United States has been a trusted friend and ally to us, they do not have the right to dictate terms to us.”

“I am sorry to put the monkey on your back, sir,” Prime Minister Lee said with a wry smile, “but I disagree with Kim. We should not keep any weapons of mass destruction. I do not think we have anything to fear from China unless we keep those weapons.”

General Kim could sense that the tide was turning away from him, so he said, “I certainly see their point, sir. Maintaining a nuclear weapons deterrent will undoubtedly cast our new nation in a different and disturbing light. But I truly feel it is our best and perhaps our only deterrent to Chinese aggression.

“Consider this, sir: We use those weapons not as devices for mass destruction, but as bargaining chips. We force China to agree to stop harboring Kim Jong-il or supporting his government-in-exile in exchange for removing those weapons. Or we remove the weapons in exchange for a disarming of our border with China — an equal number of troops within three hundred kilometers of the border on both sides. Or both. But we should not even hint that we are willing simply to hand over the weapons to anyone, not even the United States.”

“I think that is a very good tactic to pursue,” Prime Minister Lee said quickly, thankful that an option presented itself that would avoid directly opposing the powerful retired general.

President Kwon thought for a moment, then nodded. “Thank you, gentlemen, for your thoughts. You are all indeed true patriots.” He pushed the HOLD button on his phone and resumed his videoconference call with the President of the United States.

* * *

“What is it that concerns you, President Martindale?” Kwon asked when his image reappeared on the videophone screen. “What is it that concerns President Jiang?”

“What concerns us?” The President stared at Kwon in surprise. “President Kwon, it is well known that the People’s Republic of China views the existence of weapons of mass destruction at or even near its borders as a threat to its national security and sovereignty. The United States and the former Republic of Korea have honored China’s concern and have not stationed any nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons on the Korean peninsula for over twenty years. If you keep these confiscated weapons, China will certainly view it as a threat.”

“President Martindale,” Kwon said, “it is incongruous in the extreme to let such a notion concern you.”

“What? Why do you say that?”

“In the light of our recent discoveries, sir, it is apparent that weapons of mass destruction have been placed on Korean soil for many years,” Kwon said. “The world knew about North Korea’s chemical and biological weapons, and now we see that a great many thermonuclear weapons were based here too. Why then should we be concerned if China is upset that we now possess the very weapons that they in all likelihood placed on Korean soil in the first place?”

“The difference is, sir, that North Korea and most certainly China jointly controlled those weapons, and now they don’t,” Martindale said. “I understand what you are saying, Mr. President. But the cold hard fact is that China is upset that you are capturing these weapons and have not declared your intention as to their disposition. China has thankfully stayed out of this incident because they recognized, as did the world, that this was an internal struggle. When the pro-democracy forces won and it was apparent that the former North Korean citizens were being welcomed and integrated into the new United Korea, China was careful not to interfere and cooperated in a timely manner with a complete military troop withdrawal.”

“We have done all that we promised,” Kwon said. “We are one people. Nothing can deny that.”

“President Kwon, I am not sure you understand. If China thinks it a possibility that you might point those nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons at them, they may not be so cooperative,” Martindale warned the Korean president. “In fact, they might get downright upset. They have almost a quarter of a million troops sitting on your northern border right now, and another quarter million within seven days’ march.

“You must declare your intentions, sir. My recommendation to you is to agree to turn over all those confiscated special weapons to the United Nations Nuclear Disarmament Agency. The United States will pay all costs of transporting, dismantling, incineration, disposal, or secure storage of the weapons. We can announce the action at a joint news conference, and this time I’ll be sure that President Jiang of China himself is there to endorse and support it. You can declare the Korean peninsula a certified weapons-of-mass-destruction-free zone and challenge China to turn Asia into a WMD-free continent.”

Kwon Ki-chae sat back in his chair, a move that startled Martindale and Hale. It was an extraordinarily casual gesture in a man who was normally extremely conscious of appearances. “I very much appreciate your concern and thoughts on this subject, Mr. President,” he said. “I am of course in full agreement with your sentiments. A WMD- free Asia would be in the best interests of everyone in the world.”

Martindale smiled, although a knot was forming in his stomach. He was afraid Kwon was about to let the other shoe drop.

“However, I think it would be best if we kept these weapons for the time being,” he said, sitting up straight again, his tone and mannerisms now grave. “We believe it would be a more persuasive show of sincerity and unanimity if President Jiang joined me in turning over all of his weapons of mass destruction to the United Nations.”

“Are you… serious?” Martindale blurted out. “Are you saying you will not turn over any warheads unless China agrees to turn over its warheads at the same time? Mr. President, do you seriously believe that’s ever going to happen?”

“Apparently you do not believe it,” Kwon replied. “But why is this so hard to believe, sir? Where is the threat? Certainly not from the United States, correct? Russia has not the capacity for war, and certainly not against a powerful neighbor. Let us all agree to lay down our weapons together in a total show of a lasting commitment for peace. What a glorious way to begin the new millennium.”

“Mr. President…” Kevin Martindale forced himself to control his rising anger and frustration. “Mr. President, please reconsider. The threat potentially facing Korea is very, very serious. If China perceives you as a threat, they may launch a preemptive attack against Seoul and against all of your military installations, North and South. The death and destruction could be enormous. China has certainly shown in recent years that it will react harshly and quickly to any threat to its security and regional hegemony. I believe you have an opportunity to be a world leader in the pursuit of peace and global nuclear disarmament. Please reconsider your position.”

“I will attempt to state United Republic of Korea’s position as plainly as I can,” Kwon said sternly, leaning toward the camera. “Our republic faced imminent destruction for almost fifty years. We endured two generations of schizophrenia and paranoia, brothers torn apart by a world that saw Korea as nothing more than spoils of war to be divided up like bits of clothing and equipment taken from the bodies of the dead on the battlefield.

“For decades, both North and South were forced to accept foreign powers on our soil. We were led to believe these powers were there to protect us from ourselves. We now know that they were really there to provide a forward presence for themselves, to act as a deterrent in their own selfish interests. Neither China, the United States, nor Russia cared about the Korean people. All you cared about was the military and geopolitical advantages that stationing troops on our soil, near your potential adversaries, could provide. You were protecting no one else but yourselves. No more.

“I will introduce an emergency bill in our new legislature, authorizing the Korean military to keep and control