many others, the agony would continue on for weeks, even months. Doctors would soon become mercy killers.
As had been the procedure since the end of the Korean War, either the president, the new vice president, or the prime minister had to man an underground command center during military alerts or times of crisis. Korean Vice President Pak Chung-chu, the former first vice president of North Korea, was in the Osan military command center with Minister of Defense Kim. Pak was watching in fascination and shock as the attack against the Chinese infantry commenced.
“When… when will we know how many casualties there are?” Pak asked.
“In Pusan? In Tonghae?”
“Linjiang, the Chinese troops along the border. The ones you are firebombing.”
“You care more about the Chinese invaders than you do our own people, Mr. Vice President?” Kim asked derisively. “What is this infection of cowardice spreading through Government House these days? What is going on with you politicians? You all want to roll over and play dead.”
“Don’t be an ignorant pig-fucker, General,” Pak retorted. “I want to see Korea protected from invasion as much as you!”
“Then why don’t some of you damned politicians ever show it?”
“If this politician recalls correctly, you
“In name only, Mr. Vice President — in name only.” Kim looked at Pak for a moment, then nodded as if recognizing something in the vice president’s face. “You were a military man yourself, if I remember correctly — Navy, right?”
“Correct,” Pak said. “Moved from commanding a bilge in a little coastal patrol vessel to commanding the Yellow Sea fleet.”
“Sent a few Communist commandos into the South, I’ll bet.”
“Seventeen sorties in two years. Lost only one minisub and nine men. The Korean People’s Army was much better then — and your forces were much worse. What is this all about, General?”
“Then you know what I’m talking about, sir,” Kim said. “You know better than all of us that we cannot appear weak to the Communists, or they’ll crush us. We have to say what we mean and act on it. Do you agree?”
“I have always said we should negotiate from a position of strength, yes,” Pak said. “You have something on your mind, General? Spit it out.”
“Do you think we should be tougher on China? Do you think we should be content with firing a few gasoline bombs into their encampments…”
“Fuel-air explosives are not exactly gasoline bombs, and you know it,” Pak pointed out.
“… or should we be targeting their air bases, their rear-echelon maintenance and logistics bases, and especially their command and control facilities, with special weapons? That’s exactly what they tried to strike in Korea — and then added Pusan for good measure!”
“We still have not proved it was the Chinese who launched those attacks,” Pak pointed out. “I agree that targeting the infantry at Linjiang is a good idea and a good preemptive strike, but don’t try to paint this as a retaliatory strike. The Chinese probably didn’t attack Pusan, and you know it.”
“But China is the adversary! They need to fear us as they fear Russia and the United States. And the only way to force that is to strike at them with weapons of mass destruction. Don’t you agree?”
“I agree that if we promise to use weapons of mass destruction if we are invaded, then yes, we should use them,” Vice President Pak said. “The deterrence factor doesn’t work if you don’t deliver what you promise or threaten. And if China indeed attacked Pusan and the other cities, then yes, we should retaliate similarly. But President Kwon was correct not to use special weapons now! Why on earth did you push to launch a chemical weapons attack before we have all the facts?”
“Because acting timidly never works,” Kim said. “If we are attacked, we retaliate, swiftly and powerfully. We need to be able to do that. But with Kwon, we may never be able to do it. The one problem we military leaders face is that all too often, war is left to the politicians, to men like Kwon Ki-chae.”
“President Kwon is a great man, a great leader!”
“But he tempers his military decisions with political calculations that have nothing to do with the strategic or tactical realities,” Kim said quickly. “A perfect example is the employment of our special weapons. With one-half of the necessary execution codes in Kwon’s hands, we are all but assured that we will never get to use them. That is a monumental tragedy for our country, is it not?”
“I get it. I understand now,” Pak said. “You want the codes. If the president balks at giving you authority to launch the next time, you want to be able to do it anyway. Correct?”
“If I did truly believe that Kwon would launch a nuclear attack against China if the time came, I would never suggest such a thing,” Kim said. “But I cannot say that. I truly believe Kwon would hesitate — in fact, I think he has absolutely no intention of ever firing or even testing a special weapon. He would call an emergency cabinet or National Security Council meeting, perhaps even put it before the leadership in the legislature — but in the end, he would never do it.”
“But you think I would.”
“I know you would,” Kim said resolutely. “Look what you have sacrificed to be standing here now. You would not want to see the Chinese march through Pyongyang or Seoul again, as I’m sure you have seen once before. I don’t think the Chinese would deal with you very gently.”
“How perceptive of you,” Pak said with an exasperated grumble. But he knew it was so. Pak Chung-chu had been a trusted member of the Communist Party in both North Korea and China. He had burned a major bridge behind him when he burned that party identification booklet. It was a formidable act not just of defiance, but of treason to the state — the Chinese would never let him live to forget it. “So. What is it you want to do? Assassinate him?”
“Don’t be an idiot,” Kim said — but Pak could see his eyes burning with excitement, and he thought, Yes, that’s exactly what you want me to do. “But you can get the codes from him. You have joint custody of the codes.”
“I only have them if the president is incapacitated, out of the country, out of communication with the command center, or voluntarily chooses to turn responsibility over to me for whatever reason,” Pak said. “I do not ‘jointly’ control them.
“Nonetheless, you want me to march into Kwon’s office someday — perhaps someday
“You act so damn self-righteous about this,” Kim said irritably. “I am not talking about treason — I’m talking about defending our country, our
“And because I betrayed President Kim Jong-il, I am somehow predisposed or more willing to do it again to President Kwon Ki-chae, is that it?”
“Dammit, you are impossible!” Kim exploded. “You know what I’m saying!”
“I want you to say it, General Kim,” Pak snapped. “Make no mistake — we
“But it so happens, General, that I agree with you. Kwon will never use the weapons we possess. We would then all be overrun and crushed by China, and persons like myself, former citizens of North Korea and especially former Communist Party members, would surely die.
“What I want from you, General, is your word. If it is done, if we betray Kwon, take the codes, retaliate against whatever enemy we face, and somehow survive, I want your word that you will do everything in your power to support me as president of United Korea. I will in turn support you as vice president.”
“I’ll do better than that,” Kim said. He pulled out a sheet of paper from his desk drawer and wrote and signed a message on it. “It’s in writing now, Mr. Vice President. Will you do the same for me?”
“Don’t you trust me — comrade?” Pak asked sardonically. Kim blanched, then turned angry again. Pak retrieved a piece of paper, wrote a similar message, then signed it with a flourish. “Now we’re both condemned to hell, General,” he said. “Care to join me in a drink to celebrate?”
