“Yes, sir,” General An said. “Here is an update from reconnaissance planes, sir: at least two armored battalions and one infantry battalion against Kanggye itself; three, perhaps four more armored battalions and two infantry battalions moving south from J’an and Waichagoumen. Mostly light armor and infantry, moving very quickly, but they have substantial air defense, attack helicopters, and heavy armor backing them up.”
“Do you suppose the Chinese are assisting rebel Communists inside Korea?” Kim asked. “Perhaps this attack was timed to correspond with those two rebel missile launches that aborted themselves over Hwanghae province last night.”
“Very possible, sir,” An replied. “Kim Jong-il’s rhetoric coming from Beijing is more bombastic than ever. He congratulates whoever launched those missiles, and he has promised help from the Chinese to anyone who takes up arms against us. If he was going to mount a counteroffensive with China’s help, Chagang Do province would be the best place to start.”
“They’re going after the weapons labs,” Kim said as he picked up the telephone that connected directly with the Blue House, the presidential palace in Seoul. “If they capture the facilities intact, they’ll capture a large number of special weapons warheads and prevent us from developing any more of our own.”
“We cannot let that happen, sir!” An retorted. “We fought too hard to lose it so quickly and so suddenly like this! We must act!”
“President Kwon here,” the president of United Korea answered a few moments later.
Kim raised a hand to silence his chief of staff. “Mr. President, General Kim here. I’m at the Ministry of Defense. Chinese troops were reported invading Chagang Do province. It appears they’ve taken Kanggye.”
“What? Chinese troops? How many? Where?”
“Apparently, two brigades entered Kanggye and took over the Army barracks at Pyorbai,” Kim replied. “We’ve had no contact from the province within the last half hour.” Kim read a report handed to him, swallowed hard, then said into the telephone, “Sir, photo and electronic reconnaissance planes report massive Chinese ground movement across the border. In addition to the estimated two brigades that took Kanggye, there are reports of two more full brigades crossing the frontier at Linjiang and Dandong, including aviation units. No reports from Seventh Battalion stationed at Pyorbai — obviously our units were overwhelmed by Chinese forces.” The Seventh was called a battalion, but in fact it was a hodgepodge of several partial infantry and light-armored North Korean companies, augmented with former South Korean men and equipment. Up until very recently, the men in this unit were mostly concerned with foraging for food — they were no match for any regular combat force even half their size, let alone two battalions of seasoned Chinese border troops.
“Where are they concentrated?” President Kwon asked. “What could their objective be?” He paused for a moment, then added softly, “The nuclear research facilities? The weapons laboratories?”
“That would be my guess, sir,” Kim responded. “Sir, we need a way to stop those troops from taking Kanggye and the weapons labs. If Korean Communist rebels seize any special weapons and are able to use them against us, the loss of life could be staggering. But we cannot sacrifice those weapons labs. If we try an aerial or artillery bombardment, we could damage or destroy them — or the Chinese will do it for us.” There was silence on the line for several long moments; then in a low, stern voice Kim said, “This is the time that we must use a weapon that can kill the enemy but not harm the buildings or equipment.”
“What are you talking about, Kim?”
“A subatomic or chemical weapons attack against Chinese troops, sir,” he said ominously. “Precisely what these weapons were designed for, exactly why North Korea had them in their inventory — to wipe us out without destroying our cities, our factories, our military or civil infrastructure. We have no choice, sir. If we lose Chagang Do province and all of its military facilities to the Chinese and to the Communist rebels, we will eventually lose our cities to attack.”
“I am not convinced an attack like this is necessary, General.”
“I believe it is necessary now more than ever, sir,” Kim said emphatically. “We were not sure if the Chinese had launched an attack against Seoul and Pusan — this time we’re sure the Chinese have invaded. They’ve attacked our aircraft and overrun our army outposts, and they are apparently trying to capture our weapons research facilities. We cannot allow that! We need to keep those facilities intact. The only way to do it is to use special weapons.
“The effects of both a chemical weapons and a neutron weapons attack will be confined to a very small area,” Kim went on. “Vx nerve gas is potent but nonpersistent, meaning our forces can safely move in within days of the attack; the chemical disperses when exposed to wind or moisture, so danger to surrounding areas is minimal. The subatomic weapons create great destruction within a few hundred meters of ground zero, but virtually no destruction outside that radius. They kill within two miles of the blast and injure within four miles, while leaving our facilities intact. We can—”
“Sir, the Chinese knew the risks when they staged this invasion,” Kim said. “If we do not respond immediately with overwhelming force, we stand the risk of losing our weapons facilities, Chagang Do province entirely, and perhaps our entire nation to the Chinese. What will you do, sir?”
President Kim hesitated. “Is there any word from our forces in Kanggye?” he asked. “Have they been captured? Killed? What is the extent of the Chinese incursion?”
“There is still no word from Kanggye, sir,” Kim said, “only reports of massive numbers of Chinese armored forces heading south from all across the frontier. The longer we wait, sir, the harder it will be to uproot those troops.”
Kim heard Kwon loudly swear to himself and pound on his desk as he tried to sort out the jumble of fears and emotions swirling inside. The attack on Pusan had forced him to agree to a massive bombardment of Chinese forces near Changbai — but this was different, completely different.
“I… I must consider this,” Kwon said uneasily. “I must have more information. Call me as soon as you know more about the status of our forces near Kanggye and more precise numbers of Chinese troops in Chagang Do province.” He hung up before Kim could say anything else.
“Damned coward!” Kim swore as he slammed the receiver down. “We took such enormous risks in reuniting the peninsula, we have the power to hold it or punish any who try to take it from us — but now Kwon grows weary and afraid. What a time to grow chicken feathers.” He got up from his desk and started to pace. “If Kwon allows the Chinese People’s Liberation Army to gain a toehold in Chagang Do province,” he said to General An, “with American military forces all but gone, it would only be a matter of time before they would control the entire peninsula.”
“Doesn’t he realize how precarious a position we are in right now?” An asked rhetorically. “Those two aborted missile launches we saw last night, the unconfirmed report of a bomber over central Korea, and now fighters and armor south of the border — the Chinese are undoubtedly beginning an invasion campaign.” He looked at Kim and said, “Sir, I think it would be worthwhile to pay a visit to the prime minister and the minister of foreign affairs. Perhaps we can convince them how necessary it is to act right away.”
Kim stopped pacing and looked searchingly at General An. “Interesting,” he said after a moment’s careful pause. “And what if they agree with us, General? What if they feel as we do that a massive response is necessary?”
“Then… then we should act, sir,” An replied. His words were straightforward but noncommittal — but his eyes spoke much more strongly, more forcefully. “We should do whatever is necessary to protect the republic.”
“And what of President Kwon?”
“The president is a true patriot, a true visionary, the embodiment of the spirit of the Korean people,” An said. “I bear no malice toward the man who has engineered the revolution and led the long-awaited reunification. But if he does not have the stomach for battle, he should be willing to step aside and let the warriors decide the fate of United Korea for him.”
“I can see you are speaking from the heart, General,” Kim said. “I share your thoughts completely. But what if he will not step aside?”
“Then,” An said plainly, as if stating an obvious fact, “it is our sworn responsibility to
