intelligence files. Both men have been trained by foreign countries for military and terrorist operations, but Wakil Zarazi was identified and specially trained as a religious zealot. We don’t know much more about them, except for this: When I interrogated Turabi, he described himself as a jihadi — a holy warrior. He mentioned Zarazi’s rank — a general — but said he himself did not have any rank, although he was clearly the leader of the detachment we encountered. He seemed to indicate that Zarazi was on some kind of quest, some sort of mission — not a jihad, or at least not the same holy war that Turabi thought he was on.”
“We consider this a fairly significant ideological break,” Patrick said. “Taliban soldiers on a jihad are usually tasked with disrupting enemy lines of communication and obtaining money and supplies for their clans. This appears to be what Turabi’s mission is. But Zarazi is obviously doing far more. If politicians like Gurizev and fighters like Turabi can be convinced to side with the West in exchange for a greater share in the oil profits and a greater voice in their government, maybe they can be convinced to accept U.S. military and financial assistance in setting up a representative government.”
Now I understand why this guy is being considered as President Thomas Thorn’s national security adviser, Maureen Hershel thought. That is exactly the kind of half-military, half-political strategic advice Thorn needs — but he rarely gets it because he’s beleaguered with the minutiae of the kind of administration he designed. Thomas Thorn didn’t believe in getting the United States involved with other countries’ problems, so he had no one in his inner circle thinking or studying those problems and how it might benefit the United States to help.
“General McLanahan, you haven’t told me anything that leads me to think we need to change our position on Central Asia,” Thorn said. “I don’t see that a military option is called for.”
“We would suggest other options: either support Gurizev’s government, the one that signed the deals with TransCal Petroleum, or replace it,” Patrick McLanahan suggested.
“Replace it with what?” Hershel asked. “Gurizev is little more than a dictator.”
“Why not start with Jalaluddin Turabi?” Patrick replied.
“Turabi — you mean
“Based on the sergeant major’s observations, I believe that Turabi is a senior officer in this Taliban army — maybe even the deputy commander,” Patrick said. “It’s possible he could be the real military brains behind this operation as well. If so, he embarked on this mission simply because he’s obligated to follow his leader, Zarazi, in supporting their clan. Zarazi pushes them forward, but it’s Turabi who actually accomplishes the missions. Zarazi kills with vengeance; Turabi is praised for his kindness, compassion, and generosity. Zarazi is a zealot, a wild ideological dog — he probably can’t be bargained with. Turabi is the clearheaded one. If he’s approachable and interested, we should try to make a deal with him.”
Robert Goff shook his head and muttered something that sounded like “That’s crazy,” but Hershel nodded thoughtfully at McLanahan. “I think it’s an interesting idea,” she said. “I think it’s worth a trip out to Turkmenistan to try to make contact with him.”
“If I know President Martindale, he’ll be on his way out there to do the same thing,” Patrick observed. “He’ll try to get Gurizev to crack down harder on the insurgents, but he’ll also try to contact the insurgent leaders — first to bribe them into not blowing up the pipelines and then to feel them out as a possible replacement regime to Gurizev.”
“Interesting idea,” Thorn said acidly. “Did your buddy Kevin Martindale tell you that himself?” Patrick McLanahan’s face turned grim. The activities of the former president of the United States were a very unpleasant topic between them all.
Three years earlier, following the successful development of the Tin Man battle-armor system by Sky Masters Inc., then-president Kevin Martindale sought to build the first Air Battle Force: small teams of high-tech commandos that could devastate the enemy with high-speed maneuverability and advanced weaponry, supported by stealth aircraft. It would be unnecessary to spend months mobilizing thousands of troops for overseas deployment when a force of a few dozen Tin Men could do the job just as well.
Kevin Martindale did not get reelected to the White House — but the Air Battle Force concept didn’t die. Instead, as an ex-president, Martindale assembled the team code-named “the Night Stalkers”—former special- operations operators, led by Patrick’s brother, Paul McLanahan, in the Tin Man battle-armor system. They acted as high-tech mercenary soldiers, pursuing the world’s worst criminals and terrorists.
Their audacity and disregard for the rules of law made them many enemies, including President Thomas Thorn and his advisers, but the organization was highly successful. Eventually Patrick’s and his friends’ public support for the organization embarrassed the White House to the extent that they were all involuntarily retired from active duty. Patrick, David, Hal, and Chris soon joined the Night Stalkers, and Sky Masters Inc., the private defense contractor run by Jon Masters, supported them as well. The group soon became the “firemen” in the world-crisis scene — they carried out the nasty, unpleasant search-and-destroy missions that most other nations, including Thomas Thorn and the United States, refused or were unable to tackle. This proved to be doubly embarrassing for men like Lester Busick, Edward Kercheval, and Robert Goff, who were members of Thorn’s administration but who openly advocated more U.S. involvement in world hot spots.
But it was soon obvious that the Night Stalkers weren’t going to survive. In order to finance their global operation, the Night Stalkers often had to steal from their victims. Patrick McLanahan himself tortured, then threatened to kill one international terrorist, Pavel Kazakov, unless he was paid half a billion dollars. As pleased as the world community was to see killers like Kazakov in prison, the extortion tactics left a dark stain on the Night Stalkers’ reputation.
The group later turned to mercenary work, being paid by wealthy corporations to spy on foreign governments and raid foreign military installations that threatened the company’s interests. That turned out to be the last straw. Now every government was afraid of being hit by the Night Stalkers. The group wasn’t fighting for justice or retribution anymore — they were fighting for money. The U.S. government cracked down on them, arresting several associates and closing down Sky Masters Inc. for a short time. Martindale disbanded the team shortly thereafter. McLanahan, Luger, Briggs, and Wohl were allowed to return to active military duty.
“He did not, sir — but I’m sure he would have,” Patrick said now in answer to the president’s question.
“How the hell can you give that bastard any credit at all, General?” Thorn asked. “You lost your wife and your brother in Libya, thanks to that son of a bitch Martindale.” Maureen Hershel stared at Thorn, then McLanahan, in total shock. Obviously she hadn’t heard the stories yet.
“Sir, I give President Martindale credit for the courage to act,” Patrick said. “We did what we thought was right. We had the power to do something, and we did it. We didn’t wait around for some government to do it for us.”
“Fine. You made the deserts of Libya and Egypt safe for multinational oil companies to make tremendous profits off blood oil,” Thorn said. “Was it worth the lives of your family, General?”
“You said you’re here for your own edification, Mr. President,” Patrick said. “If you won’t get involved in Turkmenistan, why bother coming here and getting this briefing? Is it disrespectful, wrong, or even treasonous to plan and prepare for action even if your boss, the so-called leader of the free world, doesn’t want to get involved?”
“You’re talking about your commander in chief, General,” Robert Goff said pointedly. He couldn’t get too angry with McLanahan — he mostly agreed with him, after all — but he couldn’t let him get away with talking so freely either. “Let’s get off this subject, shall we?”
Thorn gave Patrick a stern glare but let the matter drop.
“CIA just briefed the White House that they think Russia might be a player again in Turkmenistan,” Goff informed them. “Kurban Gurizev is staunchly pro-Russian, anti-West, and anti-Muslim. CIA feels that if the insurgents threaten the oil coming out of Turkmenistan, the Russian army could intervene — in fact, their intervention would be
“And if the Taliban insurgents continue to beat down the Turkmen army — what little remains of it — it would almost certainly draw Russia into the conflict,” Patrick said. He thought for a moment. “Russia has a couple fighter wings, weapon ranges, and a large air-combat-training facility at Mary in Turkmenistan. It’s equivalent to the Navy’s Strike and Air Warfare Center at Naval Air Station Fallon or the Air Force’s Air Warfare Center at Nellis Air Force Base. Elements of Russia’s Caspian Sea Flotilla are still based in Turkmenistan, including a marine infantry brigade
