can do?”
“We’re not talking about propeller-driven bombers and wooden sailing ships,” Gardner argued. “We’re talking about several wings of unmanned stealth bombers carrying long-range standoff weapons, modern aircraft carriers, and the latest carrier-based aircraft and weaponry, all assembled and deployed within five years. It may not be the latest and greatest technology, but it’s years better than the enemy’s.”
“And we’d have it on the line sooner rather than later and have the manpower, education, and infrastructure to support it all,” Sparks added. “I do believe that’s a better choice than putting the bulk of the budget into unproven technology.”
“And it would avoid a lot of political wrangling in Congress,” chief of staff Minden interjected, “which because of McLanahan we cannot afford to indulge in now.”
“That’s called ‘appeasement,’ Carl — attempting to stop complaints or reduce difficulties by making concessions or abandoning desires or goals,” Maureen said. “There’s no reason to avoid confrontation, in Congress or anywhere else. The President knows what he wants. It’s up to us to support him.”
“Hold on, hold on,” the President said. “This is not about forcing agreement or browbeating one another to get our own way. We all want the same thing: security for the United States of America. Even in her most outspoken partisan political scheming, I believe even firebrand operatives like Stacy Anne Barbeau want the exact same thing.”
Kevin Martindale affixed each of them with a direct, stern expression, then said, “This is the way it’s going to work, folks: you will give me all your input, pro or con, whichever way you see it, without hesitation or personal attacks; I will take it all into consideration and come up with a decision. My expectation is that you will support whatever plan I come up with. If you can’t support me, tender your resignation and it’ll be reluctantly but quickly accepted.”
He scanned the faces of his national security staff once again, then added, “There’s no reason why this decision has to be a test of political will, but somehow it’s become that. I’m sure it’s because of the money — two hundred, three hundred billion dollars over the next ten years is hard to ignore. I don’t want to fight, and I don’t think we need to fight over this. But I’ve been in the White House for sixteen years and in Washington for twice that — I know political turf wars start over much less. If it’s a battle they want, they’ll get a good one.
“But I don’t want any battles in the White House or in public between the people in this room or anyone else that reports to me — McLanahan included,” the President went on. “My door is open to all of you any time. Tell me what you think; tell me what you fear. I’ll listen. Otherwise, you keep your traps shut unless it’s something you’ve been briefed you can say. If you can’t abide by that simple rule, I’ll show you the door. Got it?” There was a murmur of “Yes, Mr. President” all around the Oval Office. “Good. Now get the hell out so I can do something about this headache.”
CHAPTER 4
“This is an absolute abomination!” screamed the Ayatollah Hassan Mohtaz, director of the Supreme National Security Directorate, a conglomeration of military, civilian, and religious leaders who advised Iran’s Supreme Leader on military matters. “That this should happen in the holiest of places in the Islamic Republic is nothing short of criminal bestiality!”
“General Yassini should be arrested and charged with treason for his unauthorized meeting with Buzhazi and for criminal conspiracy in the attack on Qom,” Colonel Zolqadr said. “I shall prosecute him personally. He and all his outgoing communications from the Defense Ministry will be monitored carefully in case he attempts to contact Buzhazi. He should be removed from office and placed in solitary confinement to prevent him from using his staff or privileges of office to act against us.”
“I think that is a wise precaution, but we will need permission from the Supreme Leadership Council or the Faqih himself to authorize such a move against the chief of staff,” Mohtaz said. “Although I do not believe Yassini would betray the government and the people like Buzhazi has done, their friendship muddles the equation greatly. If Yassini was in Qom actually meeting with Buzhazi when the library was destroyed, and he had the slightest hint of what was about to happen, it is most certainly a case of conspiracy to commit high treason, and he must be dealt with accordingly.”
“Yes, Excellency,” Zolqadr responded.
“What is your plan for dealing with Buzhazi and his murderous criminals, Colonel?”
“Certainly not the ‘wait and then give amnesty’ tactic, Excellency, as Yassini advocates,” the Pasdaran commander said. “Buzhazi has many more men to feed, equip, and move, and so he will be desperate for resupply — contrary to what Yassini believes, Buzhazi can’t equip a battalion-sized force off the land or begging from civilians. He will certainly be targeting supply bases — he has no choice. That is how I propose to destroy him.”
He spread a map out on the conference table for the ayatollah to examine. “The Pasdaran supply warehouses at Aran were evacuated and abandoned because of the chemical gas attack Buzhazi staged,” Zolqadr went on, “but the gas has since dissipated. If it appears that we do not know this, and Buzhazi returns to loot the rest of the warehouses, we can surround him.”
Ayatollah Mohtaz looked at the map, but he wasn’t thinking about the plan — he was thinking about whom to support in this conflict — it was a much more pressing issue for his own safety and future well-being than whatever Buzhazi had in mind.
It was generally believed that the regular armed forces were more secular than the Pasdaran, and so were less likely to support the clerical regime. But so far the Pasdaran hadn’t captured Buzhazi — in fact, the insurgency had steadily grown into a serious fighting force now despite the Pasdaran’s pursuit. Yassini’s plan was to deal with Buzhazi logically and rationally, appealing to his soldier’s sense of honor and duty to his country and his men. Zolqadr simply wanted to lure him into a trap, and Buzhazi appeared to be well prepared to wiggle out of any trap, especially one set by Zolqadr. Which was most likely to succeed?
Well, he thought, there really wasn’t any choice to make. If Mohtaz even hinted at supporting the regular army over the Pasdaran, he would be immediately arrested, imprisoned, and probably executed. Buzhazi represented the regular army, and he had killed a great many politicians and leaders already — anyone even remotely appearing as if they supported him was doomed…
…like Yassini, if it was shown that he actually was in Qom meeting with Buzhazi before the library was destroyed.
“I will present your proposal to the entire acting Security Council, Colonel,” Mohtaz said, “but you should expect approval in very short order, so you should be prepared to act.”
“Yes, Excellency. All will be ready.”
“Very good.” Mohtaz thought for a moment; then: “One more thing.”
“Yes, Excellency?”
The cleric turned away from Zolqadr, as if distancing himself from his own words, then said, “You are sure that Yassini was in Qom meeting with Buzhazi, without a shadow of doubt…”
“I have many witnesses who will testify to it, Excellency, as well as testify about the intercepted radio transmissions picked up between them just before the library was destroyed.” Zolqadr hoped all that was true — his actual information had come from gossip and rumors about Yassini possibly going to Qom to check out the situation at the Khomeini Library and personally take charge of a rescue mission.
Mohtaz nodded, still turned away from Zolqadr, then said, “Then his guilt is beyond doubt. Deal with it as you see fit…General Zolqadr.”
