hasn’t used them.”
“Like I said, he’s smart. But the first time he breaks those things out, my task force will pounce on him.”
“What’s taking them so long? The robots were ten feet tall and as strong as tanks! He used them to kill the Russian president
“There’s only a handful of them out there, and from what I’ve been briefed they fold up and are pretty easy to conceal,” the president said. “But the main reason I think they haven’t is because McLanahan has some powerful friends that are helping deflect investigators away.”
“Like who?”
“I don’t know…yet,” Gardner said. “Someone with political clout, influential enough to attract investors to buy the high-tech gadgets like that recon plane, and savvy enough on Capitol Hill and the Pentagon to get the government contracts and skirt around the technology export laws.”
“I think you should pull his contracts and send him packing. The man is dangerous.”
“He’s not bothering us, he’s doing a job in Iraq which allows me to pull the troops out of there faster—and I don’t want to wake up one morning to find one of those robots standing over me in my bedroom,” Gardner said. “Forget about McLanahan. Eventually he’ll screw up, and then we can take him down…
The eastern regional headquarters of the internal security forces of Turkey, the Jandarma, was near Van Airport, southeast of the city and not far from Lake Van. The main headquarters complex consisted of four three- story buildings forming a square with a large courtyard, cafeteria, and seating area in the center. Across the parking lot to the northeast was a single square four-story building that housed the detention center. Southeast of headquarters were the barracks, training academy, athletic fields, and shooting ranges.
The headquarters building was situated right on Ipek Golu Avenue, the main thoroughfare connecting the city to the airport. Since the headquarters experienced so many drive-by attacks—usually just some rocks or garbage thrown at the building, but occasionally a pistol shot or Molotov cocktail aimed at a window—the sides of the complex facing the avenue to the northwest, Sumerbank Street to the southwest, and Ayak Street to the northeast were shielded by a ten-foot-high reinforced concrete wall, decorated with paintings and mosaics along with some anti-Jandarma grafitti. All of the windows on that side were made of bulletproof glass.
No such protective walls existed on the southeast side; the sounds of gunfire on the weapon ranges day and night, the constant presence of police and Jandarma trainees, and the long open distance between there and the main buildings meant that the perimeter was just a twelve-foot-tall illuminated reinforced chain-link fence topped with razor wire, patrolled by cameras and roving patrols in pickup trucks. The neighborhood around the complex was light industrial; the nearest residential area was an apartment complex four blocks away, occupied mostly by Jandarma officers, staff, and academy instructors.
The academy trained law enforcement officers from all over Turkey. Graduates were assigned to city or provincial police department assignments, or they stayed for further training to become Jandarma officers or took advanced classes in riot control, special weapons and tactics, bomb disposal, antiterrorist operations, intelligence, narcotics interdiction, and dozens of other specialties. The academy had a staff and faculty of one hundred and a resident student enrollment of about one thousand.
Along with gunfire from the weapon training ranges, another constant at the Jandarma complex in Van were protesters. The detention facility housed around five hundred prisoners, mostly suspected Kurdish insurgents, smugglers, and foreigners captured along the frontier regions. The facility was not a prison and was not designed for long-term incarceration, but at least one-fifth of the prisoners had been there for over a year, awaiting trial or deportation. Most of the protests were small—mothers or wives holding signs with the pictures of their loved ones, demanding justice—but some were larger, and a few had turned violent.
The demonstration that began that morning started out large and grew swiftly. A rumor had circulated that the Jandarma had captured Zilar Azzawi, the infamous Kurdish terrorist leader nicknamed the Hawk, and was torturing her for information.
The protesters closed off Ipek Golu Avenue and blocked all of the main entrances to the Jandarma facility. The Jandarma responded quickly and with force. The academy outfitted all of the students in riot gear and surrounded the two main buildings, concentrating forces on the detention center in case the mob tried to rush the building and free Azzawi and other prisoners. Traffic was diverted around the protest site down Sumerbank and Ayak streets to other thoroughfares to avoid completely closing traffic to Van Airport.
The chaotic situation and the diversion of students, faculty, staff, and most of the security forces to the main avenue where the protesters were, made it all too easy to breach the facility from the southeast.
A dump truck drove through the outer and inner chain link service entrance gates on Sumerbank Street with ease, then sped past the weapons range and across the athletic fields. The handful of security guards gave chase and opened fire with automatic weapons, but nothing could stop it. The truck drove straight into the academy barracks building…
…where three thousand pounds of high explosives packed into the dump section detonated, destroying the three-story student barracks and heavily damaging the main academic building nearby.
“Today I am saddened to announce that I am instituting a state of emergency in the Republic of Turkey,” President Kurzat Hirsiz said. He read his statement from the state communications facility in Cancaya emotionlessly, woodenly, not even looking up from his paper. “This morning’s dastardly PKK attack on the regional Jandarma headquarters in Van, which resulted in at least twenty deaths and scores injured, forces me to respond with urgency.
“Effective immediately, local and provincial law enforcement departments will be augmented by regular and reserve military personnel,” he went on, still not looking up from his prepared statement. “They are there to assist in security operations only. This will free local and provincial police to make arrests and investigate crime.
“I must report that several threats by the PKK have been received via radio messages, coded classified ads in newspapers, and postings on the Internet, urging followers and sympathizers all around the world to rise up and strike at the Republic of Turkey. Our analysts have concluded that the messages are meant to activate sleeper cells throughout the region to begin concentrated attacks on government facilities all around the country.
“After the incident at Van, I am forced to take these threats seriously and respond in force. Therefore I am ordering the temporary shutdown of all government offices in Turkey, the establishment of a strict dusk-to-dawn curfew in all cities and towns, and mandatory one hundred percent individual and vehicle searches by security personnel.
“The next actions that I have ordered require the assistance and cooperation of the public at large. Because of the danger of unknowingly spreading terrorist instructions, I am asking that all newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and all private media outlets voluntarily cease publication of any advertisements, articles, or notices submitted by anyone who is not a reporter or editor of the publication, or where the source of the information is not verified or personally known. My intention is to avoid completely shutting down the media. It is essential that the availability of coded messages to sleeper cells be cut off completely, and my government will be contacting all outlets to ensure they understand the importance of their swift and thorough cooperation.
“Finally, I am asking that all of the Internet providers in the Republic of Turkey and those who provide service to Turkey voluntarily install and update filters and redirectors to block access to known and suspected terrorist Web sites and servers. This should not result in a massive denial of Internet services in Turkey. E-mail, commerce, and access to regular sites and services should continue normally—only those servers that are known to host terrorist or anti-government sites will be shut down. We will closely monitor all the Internet providers available to the people of Turkey to be sure access to legitimate sites is not affected.”
Hirsiz took a nervous sip of water from an off-camera glass, his hand visibly trembling, his eyes never looking at the camera. “I sincerely apologize to the people of Turkey for being forced to take these actions,” he went on after a long, uncomfortable pause, “but I feel I have no choice, and I beg for your prayers, patience, and cooperation. My government will work tirelessly to stop the terrorists, restore security and order, and return our nation to normalcy. I ask the citizens of Turkey to be vigilant, helpful to government officials and law enforcement,
