Debt of Honor

International within the same hour. Each was met by a senior diplomat from their respective countries' U.N. delegations, whisked past customs control, and sent to the city in a car with diplomatic tags. The common destination surprised them all, but the Federal Reserve Chairman explained that for convenience the New York FBI office was a better place for coordination than the local Federal Reserve bank, especially since it was large enough to accommodate the directors of the major trading houses—and since antitrust regulations were being suspended in the interest of American national security. That notification bemused the European visitors. Finally, they thought, America understood the national-security implications of financial matters. It had certainly taken them long enough.

George Winston and Mark Gant began their final briefing on the events of the previous week after an introduction from the Chairman and Secretary Fiedler, and by this time they had the presentation down pat.

'Bloody clever,' the head of the Bank of England observed to his German counterpart.

'Jawohl,' was the whispered reply.

'How do we prevent something like this from happening again?' one of them wondered aloud.

'Better record-keeping systems for starters,' Fiedler replied alertly after something approaching a decent night's sleep. 'Aside from that…? It's something we need to study for a while. Of greater interest are the remedial measures which we must now consider.'

'The yen must suffer for this,' the French banker observed at once.

'And we must help you to protect the dollar in order to protect our own currencies.'

'Yes.' The Fed Chairman nodded at once. 'Jean-Jacques, I'm glad you see it the same way we do.'

'And to save your equities markets, what will you do?' the head of the Bundesbank asked.

'This is going to sound somewhat crazy, but we think it will work,' Secretary Fiedler began, outlining the procedures that President Durling had not revealed in his speech and whose execution depended to a large degree on European cooperation. The visitors shared a common look, first of incredulity, then of approval.

Fiedler smiled. 'Might I suggest that we coordinate our activities for Friday?'

Nine in the morning was considered an ungodly hour for the commencement of diplomatic negotiations, which helped the situation. The American delegation arrived at the Japanese Embassy on Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., in private cars, the better to conceal the situation.

The formalities were observed in all particulars. The conference room was large, with a correspondingly large table. The Americans took their places on one side and the Japanese on the other. Handshakes were exchanged because these were diplomats and such things were to be expected. Tea and coffee were available, but most just poured glasses of ice water into crystal glasses. To the annoyance of the Americans, some of the Japanese smoked. Scott Adler wondered if they did it just to unsettle him, and so to break the ice he requested and got a smoke from the Ambassador's chief aide.

'Thank you for receiving us,' he began in a measured voice.

'Welcome, again, to our embassy,' the Japanese Ambassador replied with a friendly if wary nod.

'Shall we begin?' Adler asked.

'Please.' The Ambassador leaned back in his chair and adopted a relaxed posture to show that he was at ease and that he would listen politely to the impending discourse.

'The United States is gravely concerned with developments in the Western Pacific,' Adler began. Gravely concerned was the right turn of phrase. When nations are gravely concerned, it usually means that they are contemplating violent action. 'As you know, the inhabitants of the Mariana Islands hold American citizenship, and do so because of their own wishes, freely expressed in an election almost twenty years ago. For that reason the United States of America will not under any circumstances accept Japanese occupation of those islands, and we req—no,' Adler corrected himself, 'we demand the return of those islands to U.S. sovereignty forthwith, and the immediate and total removal of Japanese armed forces from the territories in question. We similarly require the immediate release of any and all U.S. citizens held by your government. Failure to comply with these requirements will entail the most serious possible consequences.'

Everyone in the room thought the opening position statement was unequivocal. If anything it was a little too strong, the Japanese diplomats thought, even those who deemed their country's actions to be madness.

'I personally regret the tone of your statement,' the Ambassador replied, giving Adler a diplomatic slap across the face. 'On the substantive issues, we will listen to your position and consider its merit against our own security interests.' This was a diplomat's way of saying that Adler would now have to repeat what he had just said—with amplifications. It was an implicit demand for another statement, one that conceded something, in return for which was the implied promise that there might be a concession on the part of his government.

'Perhaps I did not make myself sufficiently clear,' Adler said after a sip of water. 'Your country has committed an act of war against the United States of America. The consequences of such acts are very grave. We offer your country the opportunity to withdraw from those acts without further bloodshed.'

The other Americans siting at the table communicated without words and without a look: Hardball. There had scarcely been time for the American team to develop its thoughts and approaches, and Adler had gone further than they'd expected.

'Again,' the Ambassador said after his own moment of contemplation, 'I find your tone personally regrettable. As you know, my country has legitimate security interests, and has been the victim of unfortunate legal actions which can have no effect other than severe damage to our economic and physical security. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter specifically recognizes the right of any sovereign nation to self-defense measures. We have done no more than that.' It was a skillful parry, even the Americans thought, and the renewed request for civility suggested a real opening for maneuver.

The initial discussions went on for another ninety minutes, with neither side budging, each merely repeating words, with hardly a change of phrase. Then it was time for a break. Security personnel opened the French doors to the embassy's elegant garden, and everyone went out, ostensibly for fresh air but really for more work. The garden was too large to bug, especially with a brisk wind blowing through the trees.

'So, Chris, we've begun,' Seiji Nagumo said, sipping his coffee—he'd chosen it to show how sympathetic he was with the American position; for the same reason, Christopher Cook was drinking tea.

'What did you expect us to say?' the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State asked.

'The opening position is not surprising,' Nagumo conceded.

Cook looked away, staring at the wall that enclosed the garden. He spoke quietly. 'What will you give up?'

'Guam, definitely, but it must be demilitarized,' Nagumo replied in the same voice. 'And you?'

'So far, nothing.'

'You must give me something to work with, Chris,' Nagumo observed.

'There's nothing to offer, except maybe a cessation of hostilities—before they actually start.'

'When will that happen?'

'Not anytime soon, thank God. We do have time to work with. Let's make good use of it,' Cook urged.

'I'll pass that along. Thank you.' Nagumo wandered off to join a member of his delegation. Cook did the same, ending up three minutes later with Scott Adler.

'Guam, demilitarized. That's definite. Maybe more. That's not definite.'

'Interesting,' Adler thought. 'So you were right on their allowing us to save face. Nice call, Chris.'

'What will we offer them back?'

'Gornisch,' the Deputy Secretary of State said coldly. He was thinking about his father, and the tattoo on his forearm, and how he'd learned that a 9 was an upside-down 6, and how his father's freedom had been taken away by a country once allied with the owner of this embassy and its lovely if cold garden. It was somewhat unprofessional and Adler knew it. Japan had offered a safe haven during those years to a few lucky European Jews, one of whom had become a cabinet secretary under Jimmy Carter. Perhaps if his father had been one of those fortunate few, his attitude might have been different, but his father hadn't, and his wasn't. 'For starters we lean on them hard and see what happens.'

'I think that's a mistake,' Cook said after a moment.

'Maybe,' Adler conceded. 'But they made the mistake first.'

The military people didn't like it at all. It annoyed the civilians, who had established the site approximately five times as fast as these uniformed boneheads would have managed, not to mention doing it in total secrecy and