enthusing over, the significance of any find lies in the connections to real people.
Rollins’s first letters recorded a voyage from Gravesend, England, around the tip of Cape of Good Hope to the Indian Ocean and then to Melbourne, Australia. He reported that “the ship sails fair” with all sail set but went on to say that “my crew have mostly left the ship,” leaving him with two officers and seven men. “The cook is away today and it is doubtful if I see him again. They leave about ^120 wages behind them. I do not think the ship shall lose anything by these men as I shall take but two mates from here and the Steward shipped in Boston was totally unfit for his place. He had no idea of cooking or of saving provisions and besides was abominably filthy.” From Melbourne, King Philip sailed to the coast of Peru to load guano — the accumulated droppings of sea birds— being mined in the Chincha Islands as fertilizer. The reeking cargo stunk to high heaven but was literally worth its weight in gold.
After discharging the guano at Rotterdam in September 1858, Rollins took on four hundred casks of gin and headed for England, and from there to San Francisco with a cargo of lumber, sugar, pig iron, livestock and coal. His letter to Glidden & Williams from San Francisco is full of complaints, particularly about a “patent reefing gear” installed in the rigging to handle some of the work that the sailors usually did aloft. The gear should have acted like a rolling window shade to retract a sail in heavy wind so as to keep the wind from bursting it or breaking the yards or mast. Rollins raged that the gear was too tightly installed, slipped off its rollers and cut into the wooden spars, and jammed frequently. In a fierce gale, the gear stuck, leaving the sail exposed to the full fury of the wind instead of “reefing” or rolling up. The main topgallant mast bent and nearly broke, then the sail burst, ripping away in the storm.
I was amused by Rollins’s comments on this Victorian-era invention to cut costs by replacing people with a machine. Reading his letter was a revelation, and one that I would not find in the cold dead hulk of a wrecked ship, about how frustrated people felt when confronted by technology that promised to help but did not.
Rollins left King Philip in early 1860, but under other captains and other crews, the ship carried a variety of cargoes around the world. In 1869, at a stop in Honolulu, the crew mutinied and set King Philip on fire. The damage was bad — so bad that the ship was condemned and sold at a “fire sale.” Puget Sound lumber merchants Pope & Talbot bought and repaired King Philip, but the bad luck that had dogged the ship since the beginning continued.
On an 1874 voyage out of Baltimore, the crew mutinied and set fire to the ship. After the fire was put out, the crew still refused to sail. An armed force of U.S. Marines from the nearby United States Naval Academy at Annapolis finally had to go aboard to re-establish order. After that, Pope & Talbot never sent King Philip on another protracted voyage. They rerigged the ship as a bark for better maneuverability on the Pacific coast. Later that year, the press reported that “King Philip had just completed her tenth trip to Puget Sound and back since January 1st, 1876, and has still some days to spare. She has brought to port in that time nearly ten million feet in lumber.” The regular run to and from Puget Sound occupied the ship’s days.
But bad luck continued to trouble King Philip. On January 25, 1878, she was leaving empty, or in ballast, from San Francisco. Cast off on the bar by her tug without any wind to fill her sails, the ship drifted in the current and into the breakers. Both anchors failed to hold, and at five that evening, King Philip went ashore. At low tide, the hull was high and dry; sightseers were able to walk right up and touch the stranded hulk. By the next day, the ship was “immovable” according to press accounts, and the insurance company sold the wreck to John Molloy, a local grocer who also speculated on scrap and salvage. He blasted the hulk apart with black powder to salvage what he could, but the lower hull, set firmly in the sand, remained in place. Periodically uncovered by the shifting sands of Ocean Beach, King Philip finally disappeared from view in the 1920s, when sand was dumped there to build the Great Highway. Six decades later, thanks to the winter storms of 1982–83, I was introduced to the beached wreck whose story we fleshed out from the archives.
CAPE COD AND THE BARK FRANCES My fascination with beached shipwrecks like that of King Philip continued through several years and other projects, but my last serious foray with them came in September 1987, as part of a team consisting of the National Park Service’s Submerged Cultural Resources Unit (SCRU) and the U.S. Navy’s Mobile Diving and Salvage Unit One, documenting wreck sites at Cape Cod National Seashore.
More than a thousand ships have come to grief off Cape Cod’s shores, and local shipwreck historian Bill Quinn showed us dozens of photos of wooden wrecks in eroding dunes and washed up on beaches. But the only skeleton we spent any time on was an iron ship that lay just offshore on a sandbar in rolling surf. That shipwreck, sitting off Head of the Meadow Beach in Truro, Massachusetts, was all that was left of the 120-foot German bark Frances. Frances, bound for Boston with a cargo of sugar and tin ingots, came to grief on the night of December 26, 1872. The fourteen-man crew took to the rigging and was slowly freezing to death as the salt spray coated them with ice.
Fortunately for them, Cape Cod’s reputation as a ships’ graveyard had inspired the government to erect lifesaving stations. Because of an average of two wrecks each winter month, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts had built huts to shelter shipwrecked mariners in 1797. But it was not until 1871, the year before Frances’s wreck, that the U.S. government had assumed responsibility for lifesaving with the creation of the United States Life-Saving Service (USLSS). Stations were built on dangerous sections of coast, manned around the clock, and lifesavers walked the beaches on patrol to spot ships in trouble and sound the alarm.
A crew of volunteers from Truro, led by Captain Edwin Worthen, keeper of the USLSS’S new Highland Lifesaving Station, came to the aid of Frances’s crew. Dragging a whaleboat through the dunes and onto the beach, the lifesavers braved the surf and being crushed against the wallowing steel hull to pluck the freezing men from the rigging. Every soul aboard was saved, but the ordeal proved too much for Captain Wilhelm Kortling, Frances’s master. He died from the effects of his exposure to the cold, three days later. When the surf quieted down, some of the cargo was salvaged, and then Frances was left to the sea. But the wreck never broke up. Buried periodically by an offshore sandbar, the hulk, as the National Seashore’s visitor guide explains, “pokes up occasionally above the Atlantic waves and serves as a memorial to the more than 1,000 shipwrecks that have occurred along the outer Cape over the past three and a half centuries.”
To get to Frances, we had to walk carefully backwards through the surf, then turn around quickly to dive under the waves and swim fast to avoid becoming a scuba-clad surfer instead of a diver. I joined my friend and colleague, National Park Service (NPS) archaeologist Larry Murphy, on a reconnaissance dive. Murphy is a tall, solidly built man whose nickname at the time was “Mongo,” in recognition of his size and strength. As we swam up to Frances, I was amazed to see that most of the ship was there — not just a skeleton. Half buried in the sandbar was the entire iron hull, rising up out of the seabed to the decks. We took measurements of the bow and drifted up to the intact wooden deck. Holes bashed through the planking showed an open space below, which we thought was the forecastle where the crew had bunked. Neither Murphy nor I could fit through the holes, so we swam back down and headed aft to an open hatch in the deck. The main deck was half gone, battered away by the sea or nineteenth-century salvagers who were after the cargo of tin ingots. We easily dropped into the hold and were rewarded by the sight of a small scatter of ingots. Beyond them was a hole in the iron bulkhead that led directly into the forecastle. The light that came in through the holes in the deck above us illuminated the scene as the pounding of the surf boomed through the iron hull. We both realized that few if any had been in this compartment since that night just after Christmas 1872.
The wooden bunks of the German sailors had collapsed, but, as we surveyed the room, we spotted a wooden box, half buried in the sand, with a hole in the lid. We thought that it might be a sailor’s sea chest, filled with his personal belongings, preserved by the sand and ready to reveal its secrets to us. Murphy cautiously stuck his hand into the hole to feel around, and suddenly yanked his hand back, bellowing through the regulator clenched in his teeth. As he waved his right hand frantically, I saw a large crab, its claw firmly holding on for the ride. I nearly drowned as I burst out laughing, holding my regulator in with my teeth. Larry managed to pull the crab off and, nursing his sore but not injured hand, beckoned that it was time to go.
Back on the beach, we were debriefing with the Navy divers, who had also been mapping the wreck and who had anchored a small inflatable boat over the bow. They had a strange tale to report. As they were swimming over the bow, a sudden burst of air bubbles had poured out from inside the wreck, and they could swear they heard,
