Russia in 1839 -Empire of the Czar: A Journey Through Eternal Russia

greatest nobles, and the high court functionaries, and none are admitted to them except in the uniform or costume of their rank or office.

My right-hand neighbour, seeing from my dress that I was a stranger, addressed me in French with that hospitable politeness, which in Petersburg is a characteristic of the higher, and, to a certain extent, of all classes; for here everyone is polite—the great, through the vanity of showing their good breeding, the little, through sentiments of fear.

After a few common-place observations, I asked my obliging neighbour the name of the piece that was to be performed. ' It is a translation from the French,' he answered : ' The Devil on two Sticks.' I puzzled my head to no purpose to make out what drama could have been translated under this title; at length it turned out that the translation was a pantomime founded on our ballet of the same name.

I did not much admire it, and directed my attention chiefly to the audience. At length, the court arrived. The imperial box is an elegant saloon, which occupies the back part of the theatre, and which is even yet more brilliantly illuminated.

The entrance of the emperor was imposing. As he advanced to the front of his box, accompanied by

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the empress, and followed by their family and the attendant courtiers, the public rose simultaneously. The emperor was dressed in a singularly splendid red uniform. That of the Cossacks looks well only on very young men : the one which the emperor wore better suited his age, and greatly set off the nobleness of his features and his stature. Before seating himself, he saluted the assembly with the peculiarly polite dignity by which he is characterised. The empress did the same, and, what appeared to me a want of respect towards the public, their suite followed their example. The whole theatre rendered to the sovereigns bow for bow, and, furthermore, overwhelmed them with plaudits and hurras. These demonstrations had an official character which greatly diminished their value. Wonderful that an emperor should be applauded by a pit-ful of courtiers! In Russia, real flattery would be the appearance of independence. The Russians have not found out this indirect mode of pleasing; and, in truth, its use might sometimes become perilous, notwithstanding the feeling of ennui which the servility of his subjects must often produce in the prince.

The compulsory manifestations of submission with which he is every where received is the reason why the present emperor has only twice in his life had the satisfaction of testing his personal power upon the assembled multitude — and this was durin<x an insurrection. The only free man in Russia is the revolted soldier.

Viewed from the point where I sat, the emperor appeared truly worthy of commanding men, so noble was his face, and so majestic his figure. My mind

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involuntarily recurred to the period when he mounted the throne, and the contemplation of that bright page of history led my thoughts away from the scene that was enacting before me.

What I am now about to narrate was detailed to me by the emperor himself, only a few days ago. The reason that it was not stated in the last chapter is because the papers* containing such details could not be confided either to the Russian post or to any traveller.

The day on which Nicholas ascended the throne was that in which rebellion broke out among the guards. At the first intimation of the revolt of the troops, the emperor and empress proceeded alone to their chapel, and falling on their knees on the steps of the altar, bound each other by mutual oath before God, to die as sovereigns, if they should be unable to triumph over the insurrection.

The emperor might well view the evil as serious, for he had been informed that the archbishop had already vainly endeavoured to appease the soldiers. In Russia, when religious power loses its influence, disorder is indeed formidable.

After solemnly making the sign of the cross, the emperor proceeded to confront the rebels, and to overmaster them by his presence, and by the calm energy of his countenance. He stated this to me in terms more modest than those which I now use, and of which, unfortunately, I have not preserved the recollection, for at fix·st I was rather taken by surprise, owing to the unexpected turn of the conversation. Of what passed after recovering from this surprise my memory is more tenacious.

* Despatched in the form of a letter to Paris. — Trans.

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' Sire, your majesty drew yom` strength from the right source.'

' I did not know what I was about to do or say — I was inspired.'

' To receive sueh inspirations, it is necessary to merit them.'

' I did nothing extraordinary ; I said to the soldiers, ' Return to your ranks !' and at the moment of passing the regiment in review, I eried, ' On your knees!' They all obeyed. What gave me power was, that the instant before I had resigned myself to meet death. I am grateful for having succeeded ; but I am not proud of it, for it was by no merit of my own.'

Such were the noble expressions whieh the emperor made use of in relating to me this contemporary tragedy.

From the above relation an idea may be formed of the interesting nature of the subjects on which he converses with the travellers whom he honours with his <T·ood-will. It will also explain the charaeter of the influence he exercises over ourselves, as well as over his people and his family. He is the Louis XIV. of the Slavonians.

Eye-witnesses have informed me that his form seemed to dilate and grow more lofty and commanding at caeh step that he made in advancing towards the mutineers. Taeiturn, melancholy, and absorbed in trifles as he had appeared during his youth, he became a hero the moment he was a monarch. The contrary is usually the ease—and princes promise more than they perform.

This prince is, on the throne, as perfectly in Iris

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proper sphere as a great actor would be on the boards. His attitude before the rebel-guard was so imposing, that while he harangued the troops one of the conspirators, it is said, advanced four times towards him with the intention of killing him, and four times his courage failed, like that of the Cumbrian's before Ma·rius.

An absurd falsehood was the instrument that the conspirators had employed to incite the army to this outbreak. They had spread a report that Nicholas had usurped the crown of his brother Constantine, who was, they said, on his way to Petersburg, to defend his rights by force of arms. The means through which they had induced the rebels to cry under the palace windows in favour of the Constitution, was by persuading them that this word Constitution was the name of the wife of Constantine. It was therefore an idea, of duty whieh actuated the soldiers, who believed the emperor an usurper, and who could only be led into rebellion by a fraud. The fact is, that Constantine had refused the crown through weakness: he dreaded being poisoned. God knows, and there are perhaps some men who know also, if his abdication saved him from the peril whieh he thus expected to avoid.

It was then in support of legitimacy that the deceived soldiers revolted against their legitimate sovereign. People remarked that, during the whole time the emperor remained among the troops, he did not once put his horse in rapid motion, but though so calm, he was very pale. He was putting his power to the test, and the success of the