The Koreans may have seen the weapons as a deterrent to American attack. In some ways, however, they were exactly the opposite: It made more sense to launch a preemptive strike if things looked dicey than to stand around waiting until Seoul was on fire. Logically, Blitz realized that this meant America should attack before the North Koreans had a chance to. But successfully navigating the postwar environment required “moral authority,” which presumably would be lost if the U.S. struck first. Whether it made sense to or not.
“President’s looking for you,” said Mozelle, appearing over his desk between calls.
Blitz glanced at his watch. “I’m supposed to head up to NADT and have lunch with Bill Howe. What’s up?”
Mozelle gave her eyes a little half-roll, which meant she had no idea. “FBI director just came over, along with Jack Hunter.”
“Hunter? What the hell does he want?”
“President didn’t say.”
Blitz grunted. He left his assistant to deal with the phones and went down the hall to the President’s office, where he found President D’Amici lining up a putt on the carpet. Charles Weber, the head of the FBI, sat at the side of the President’s desk. Hunter, who was presently the third or fourth man in the agency, depending on how you interpreted the depth chart, sat beside him. Both men were dressed in identical brown suits; the cuffs of their pants were hiked just enough to reveal a line of skin above their argyle socks.
The President flicked his wrist and sent a ball shooting across the carpet into the plastic cup. A little flag shot up at the side and the ball spun back.
“Dr. Blitz — just the man I wanted to see,” said the President, as if Blitz had wandered into the office by accident. He pointed his golf club at Weber. “Charlie, give the professor the lowdown.”
“Actually, Jack’s got a better handle on it.”
“Three days ago,” began Hunter in a voice that sounded as if it came from a TV commercial, “one of our field agents received a call from a young woman in Arizona…”
Hunter continued, detailing a contact from a scientist in North Korea who wanted to defect. The situation would not have been particularly unique, except for the fact that the scientist had supplied a copy of plans for an E-bomb, a weapon North Korea was not known to possess. That, and the fact that the DIA had recently begun working on a case involving the potential threat of using such a device on a major East Coast city.
Blitz hunched down in his seat and scratched his goatee. “Are these two things related?” he asked.
“We’re not sure,” said Hunter. “We’re still trying to flesh things out. The Korean is going to Moscow in two days. We want to try to contact him there.”
Different experts had slightly different opinions on the potency of the weapon: One thought it would send a surge through all unprotected electrical devices within a five-mile radius, frying them for good. Another thought its potency would be limited to roughly a mile or so. The three other experts who’d been consulted were somewhere in between. All agreed that the explosion would almost certainly cause the Northeast’s power grid to go down for several days, probably more.
“Best-case scenario, this is a real catastrophe,” said Hunter. “Nothing like the August 2003 blackout. The surges in the system will wipe out at least some of the safeguards that have been put in place since then. Worst case I don’t even want to speculate about.”
Hunter had his own ax to grind here, Blitz realized; he was angling for the FBI director’s job, which was due to open at the end of the year with his boss’s planned retirement. Blitz didn’t mind ambition, though it could be a powerful set of blinders when information was being conveyed.
“What does CIA think?” Blitz asked.
“I spoke to Anthony late yesterday,” said Hunter, referring to the head of the CIA. “He thinks it’s valid. We’ve sent one of our best people out to nose around, back up the field agent, Andy Fisher.”
Blitz knew of Fisher from the NADT scandal. Though unorthodox, the agent was reliable.
“We’d like to grab this guy and bring him back,” said Hunter.
Blitz stroked his chin. A Korean plot against the United States: That would clearly justify intervention, maybe even a preemptive strike.
Have the President go on television — no, have the scientist go on television.
Wouldn’t work.
“We want to help this guy defect,” repeated Hunter.
“What do you think, Professor?” asked the President. “Is it worth it?”
“Information on their weapons would certainly be useful,” said Blitz. “But what about the DIA’s angle? How would they get it here?”
“We don’t know,” said Hunter. “To be candid, from what we’ve seen, it’s just pure speculation by the DIA and it’s unrelated to this. But of course we should take it seriously.”
“That’s why I thought it best to bring it to the President’s attention personally,” said Weber.
The President took his putt. It hit the corner of the cup and bounced off to the left. He shook his head as he corralled the ball, then lined up another shot. “Why are they sending this scientist to Moscow?”
“It’s about the only place in the world the Koreans are still welcome,” said Hunter.
They should grab him, Blitz decided. The potential risk of such a weapon — even if it was only used in Korea — was great.
“I think we should move ahead,” he told the others.
Hunter’s face blanched. The President took another putt. It rimmed the cup, then sank down.
“Yes,” said the President, shepherding the ball as it came back. “But this sounds more like the sort of thing the CIA ought to handle.”
Hunter’s face blanched.
“Of course, the FBI should remain involved. You’ve worked together before,” added the President.
“Of course,” said Weber. “We were going to suggest a joint operation.”
Hunter asked who would be lead agency. It was a political faux pas: Had he not asked, he could have claimed sovereignty in any discussion with his CIA counterparts.
“If it’s overseas, I’d prefer the CIA,” said the President.
“Of course,” said Weber quickly. Whatever he lacked in police abilities he made up for in political acumen. He rose from his chair, obviously intent on getting out before Hunter blundered further.
“Stay with me a second, Professor,” the President told Blitz. “I have a few minutes before my next appointment, if John’s timeline is right.”
When the others were gone, the President asked Blitz if he thought the North Korean government would collapse soon.
“Hard to say,” said Blitz. “It might fall apart tomorrow. Then again, no one thought Kim Jong Il would even last this long. We may be talking about this twenty years from now.”
“You and I won’t,” said the President.
“We’re ready for an attack if it comes,” said Blitz.
“You’re still in favor of a preemptive attack, aren’t you?” said the President.
“That’s not what I was in favor of,” said Blitz.
“No?” The President took a shot and missed.
“It would solve certain problems, and create many others,” said Blitz. “Ultimately it doesn’t make sense.”
“But if it did, it would save a lot of lives,” said the President.
Blitz wasn’t about to argue with that.
“Have you found a new head for NADT yet?” asked the President, picking up his golf ball and stowing his putter as he changed the subject.
“I’m still working on Colonel Howe. We’re supposed to have lunch, actually.” Blitz glanced at his watch, more for show than anything else: There was no way now that he’d make the appointment.
“Money not enough?”
“I think the money’s part of the problem,” said Blitz. “I think it may scare him.”
“Tell him he deserves it. More than most of the fat cats running corporations around here who think they’re God’s gift to America.”
“Nonetheless,” said Blitz.
