“Surely.”
“In the past, Korean farmers brewed this,” said Park, handing Thera a small bowllike cup. He filled it nearly to the brim with
The liquor was extremely strong, but the taste very smooth, much smoother than what Thera had sampled as she familiarized herself with Korean customs prior to the mission.
She finished, then handed the cup to Park, filling it for him.
“My friend is still in North Korea?”
“I’m afraid I don’t know. You really should find a higher class of acquaintance, Miss Deidre.”
“I already have.”
He answered her smile with one of his own.
“But Mr. Manski and I have certain entanglements,” added Thera. “And I wish to get them unwound.”
“I don’t believe he will be a problem for you.”
“Where exactly did you last see him? Was it in the capital? Or did everyone stay at the lodge?”
“You sound as if you are a police detective,” said Park.
“Just someone anxious to recover what is mine. And to prevent further complications in a… difficult area.”
Park put down the cup. He walked to one of the unfinished canvases, contemplating it. Thera watched him, not sure what he was going to do or say. Finally, she walked over and looked at the painting.
Park took her hand.
For an instant, she thought he was going to make a pass at her, but the pressure he applied to her wrist dispelled that notion. Intense pain shot up her arm to her spine.
“My assistant Mr. Li would be happy to indemnify any loss you suffered from your disagreement with your friend,” Park told her. “Beyond that, it would be most wise to change your associations permanently.”
“Mr. Park, I believe you are threatening me.” Thera struggled to keep her voice level.
“Not a threat. I would not like to see a pretty woman such as yourself harmed.”
Thera jerked her arm upward and then down, breaking the hold, though not easily. As she did, two men in black silk suits appeared in the wide doorway facing the desk.
“Miss Deidre is leaving,” Park told them, turning away. “Please show her to the car.”
21
Corrine was on her way downstairs to the National Security meeting when she heard Josh Franklin’s rich baritone echoing in the hallway.
“This is exactly what I warned about,” said the assistant secretary of defense, standing outside the conference room. “They’re going to attack. We should authorize a preemptive strike. That would be my recommendation.”
The small group of aides clustered around Franklin murmured their approval. Corrine said nothing, hoping to pass by and get into the room unnoticed. But Franklin saw her out of the corner of his eye.
“Corrine, how are you?” he asked.
“Very well, Josh. Yourself?”
She wondered if he would mention the cell-phone call she’d “forgotten” to answer after their nondate date and was relieved when he didn’t.
It figured though, didn’t it? One of the few men who actually followed up on a promise to call, and he turned out to be a frog rather than a prince.
“Are you attending the NSC briefing?” Franklin asked.
“The president asked me to be here,” she told him, “simply to monitor possible developments vis a vis the treaty.”
She struggled to get the words out, then wished she’d said something, anything, more graceful. She sounded like a tongue-twisted freshman law student presenting a case citation for the first time.
“Still pushing the treaty, huh? It’s dead now,” declared Franklin. “No one will vote for it. Which is just as well.”
“I’m just monitoring, not advocating.”
“Josh is right.” Christine Tuttle, the deputy national security advisor for Asia, separated herself from the rest of the group. “We have to be aggressive; we have no choice.”
Tuttle turned toward Franklin. Corrine saw something in her expression as their eyes met.
Oh, thought Corrine.
“Didn’t you write a briefing paper favoring the treaty?” Corrine asked.
“I changed my mind recently,” said Tuttle, just a hint of her annoyance showing through. “Partly because of Josh’s arguments, I must say.”
“He can be very persuasive,” Corrine said, walking toward the room, “but that doesn’t mean he’s right.”
In the president’s absence, the session was chaired by Vice President Edward Wyatt. Wyatt was from the Midwest, and differed from McCarthy in almost every way, from appearance to temperament. Baby-faced and chubby, Wyatt’s main asset to the administration was the fact that he had been governor of Illinois — a post he’d actually inherited when the elected governor died. He continually deferred to National Security Advisor Stephanie Manzi, who introduced the briefers and labored to keep the discussions on point.
The CIA handled the first part of the session. Parnelles had Korean expert Verigo Johnson present satellite photos showing the troop movements in North Korea and their possible implications. Though large and potent, the North Korean Army was rather ponderous; a full-scale mobilization would take several more days, even weeks. Still, there were enough artillery units in place near the border that a devastating attack could be launched at almost any time, with very little warning.
There was one positive note: The nuclear weapons the North had declared were all present at their missile launching station, and no move had been made to prepare them for launch.
“That would require their being reassembled,” added Johnson. “Which would take several days. We’ll have plenty of notice. We can have them targeted and destroyed at the first sign of preparation.”
“We are also monitoring other sites where missiles might have been hidden,” added Parnelles. “As of yet, we’ve seen nothing to cause alarm. But we’re watching.”
“Any reaction from the Chinese?” asked Wyatt.
“So far, they don’t seem to have picked up on anything,” said Parnelles. “The Russians will have seen what we saw via satellite, but there’s been no action out of Moscow. Neither the Australians nor the Brits have made any comment, though I would assume they will take notice shortly.”
The CIA director said there was a fifty-fifty chance of an attack, which, in his opinion, would be launched because Kim Jong-Il was angry over South Korea’s refusal to provide more aid for heating oil.
“We can expect some sort of ultimatum along those lines when the forces are in place,” said Parnelles.
“There’s been no hint about the seriousness of the oil dispute in North Korean propaganda,” said the national security advisor.
“That’s not Kim’s style,” said Parnelles. “He waits until he has everyone’s attention before making his demands.”
Secretary of Defense Larry Stich had his own analysts provide a briefing on what was going on. It paralleled that delivered by the CIA. Their interpretation, however, differed. The military people were not convinced that this was in fact a prelude to an attack. Stich explained that the North Korean units had been used in the past as pawns in internal power struggles.
“I suggest we put our troops on their highest alert, but reserve further action,” said Stich. “And I would suggest we refrain from anything that could be misinterpreted as a prelude to an invasion. Our bombers are on alert in Okinawa already; we can obliterate the North within a few hours. But long-term, that will create an entire range
