the presumed Russian submarine following the Jefferson, closely shadowed by a green icon for the Orlando. Tombstone pointed at the submarines, which were being paced by two pairs of green aircraft. “I see you have our tail bracketed.”
Penhall grinned. “Sure do. The word just came through from Top Hat.
We’re gonna give him a concert. A rock concert.”
Top Hat, also known as Alpha Bravo, was the code name for Admiral Douglas E Tarrant, CO-CBG-14, who was currently running the operation from the Combat Direction Center aboard Shiloh. Those aircraft, according to the information appearing next to them on the display, were a pair of SH-60 Sea King ASW helos, part of Jefferson’s HS-19, plus two Vikings from VAW-42, the King Fishers. Though belonging to Jefferson’s contingent, the sub-hunters were operating under the direction of Shiloh’s CDC now, while the CATCC and Air Ops people aboard Jefferson simply listened in. The voices coming over the radio speaker were contact and vectoring information, for the most part, between the ASW aircraft and Shiloh’s CDC.
“Sounds like a plan to me,” Tombstone said, smiling. “If the guy’s a classical music lover, maybe he’ll give up and go home.”
Penhall laughed. “With luck, we’ll jangle his sonar and make his operators’ ears ring. They won’t be able to hear the Jef’s screws from ten meters off our stern.”
It was in many ways, Tombstone reflected, an operation similar to the Bear hunts he’d participated in when he’d been a Tomcat driver flying with VF-95. During the Cold War, the Soviets would routinely test an American carrier battle group’s readiness and alertness by vectoring one or more of their big long-range Tu-95 Bear-D reconnaissance planes toward the CBG. Just as routinely, F-14 Tomcats would deploy to meet the incoming Bears as far from the carrier as possible ? usually several hundred miles ? and force them to change course. The same mock-war feints, threats, and counters were part of the repertoire of the carrier’s antisubmarine units as well. The “concert” Penhall had mentioned would be a special, high-volume broadcast from the Sea Kings, using their powerful AQS-13 dipping sonars, set to active mode to ping the Victor III and let him know, in no uncertain terms, that he’d been spotted. And if the sub’s skipper refused to take the hint, firmer measures would be applied.
Tombstone continued studying the map display. “Let me see the Sustain Hope AO,” he told Penhall.
“Yes, sir. Markowitz! Punch up Sierra Two on the main display.”
“Aye, aye, sir.”
The map view shifted, showing now the eastern rim of the Black Sea. The scale changed as well, covering the entire east shoreline, running from the Turkish port at Hopa northwest all the way to Kerch at the extreme east tip of the Crimea and guarding the narrow straits into the Sea of Azov. Especially prominent was the small port city of Poti, on the Georgian coast fifty miles from Hopa and the Turkish border. A cluster of green icons lay thirty miles offshore, identified by the alphanumeric MEU-25.
Tombstone pursed his lips for a moment as he studied the display. The Marine Expeditionary Unit was not technically part of CBG-14 at all, though MEUS were attached to the battle group from time to time, depending on deployment and mission. This time, MEU-25 was operating under UN auspices as part of the Georgian relief program. With Operation Sustain Hope, the old question of U.S. forces serving under United Nations leadership had come to the forefront again and was rapidly proving to be a disaster.
MEU-25 consisted of the LPD Little Rock, the LHA Saipan, and the LPH Guadalcanal, plus a small fleet of transports and escorts assigned to carry a reinforced Marine Battalion Landing Team anywhere in the world at short notice as a rapid-response peacekeeper force. The expeditionary unit had arrived in the Black Sea a few days before the Jefferson with orders from the National Command Authority ? meaning the President ? to open up a secure port at Poti in the former Soviet Republic of Georgia so that UN humanitarian aid could begin to flow into the war- ravaged little country lying on the southern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains.
It was supposed to be a routine operation ? routine, that is, save for the extraordinary fact that U.S. military force was being projected into this corner of the world for the first time in history. A British peacekeeping force under direct UN control was already on its way to take over, but as usual the U.S. Marines would bear the brunt of the initial operation.
It was all quite a tangle, Magruder reflected. Who would have thought, just a few years back, that when American troops stood on soil that had belonged to the Soviet Empire they’d be doing it as glorified security guards? Or that in the end Russia and her former satellites would turn into just so many more Third World hot spots where the UN formula of humanitarian aid, peacekeepers, and no-fly zones would be applied the very same way it had been in Iraq, and Bosnia, and Haiti, and Macedonia?
But the world was changing fast, sometimes so fast that it almost seemed to out-pace American foreign policy itself.
The Republic of Georgia was mirror to the drama that was being played throughout this part of the world now and for most of the past decade. Once a federated S.S.R., Georgia had declared its independence from the old Soviet Union on April 9, 1991. Even as the nation fought for freedom, however, the autonomous provinces of Abkhazia, Adharia, and South Ossetia were fighting for independence from Georgia. By 1994, Georgia’s President Shevardnadze had agreed to a cooperation pact that increased Russian military influence in the country, a frank exchange of freedom for security, and Georgia joined the Moscow-led Commonwealth of Independent States soon after. By the time the Soviet Union was briefly reborn and the tanks had been rolling into Norway, Georgia was again solidly under Russian control.
But then the Scandinavian campaign had collapsed, the Russian military had been proven a hollow shell, and American forces were landing on the once sacrosanct soil of the Kola Peninsula. Leonov and Krasilnikov were battling one another in the streets of Moscow and a hundred other Russian cities, and the entire nation was sliding relentlessly toward the yawning chasm of total anarchy. States that had enjoyed a brief freedom in the era of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, states like Ukraine and Belarus, the Baltics and Georgia, were shaking off the neo-Soviet mantle and reasserting their independence. In one ex-Soviet state after another, popular uprisings were driving out garrisons weak enough or discouraged enough to give way.
But independence is never cheap. There were still plenty of neo-Soviet units scattered across the length and breadth of the former empire, controlled by hard-liner Reds and pro-Krasilnikov factions, and the fledgling rebel movements were rarely strong enough to break the militarists’ control by themselves. One after another of the newborn governments had applied to the United Nations for support; at the same time, the UN was trying to keep up with the spreading chaos by inserting peacekeepers and taking steps to ensure the delivery of humanitarian relief as the dreaded Russian winter loomed near.
In Washington, the President had agreed to honor the UN Secretary General’s request and ordered MEU-25 and CBG-14 into the Black Sea, once it became certain that Turkey was not going to permit foreign military forces to be based on their soil.
On paper, Operation Sustain Hope seemed no more outlandish a proposal than had Operation Restore Hope, the abortive and expensive Marine operation ? again at the UN’s behest ? in Somalia in 1992 to 1994. The National Command Authority had been specific in its directive: Under no circumstances would U.S. involve themselves in the fighting between the Red and Blue Russian factions. The Marines would go ashore at Poti only after a UN Crisis Assessment Team could demonstrate that both the Reds and the Blues were out of the picture in Georgia, leaving the way clear for the Georgian Freedom Party to cooperate with the UN mission. If and when the CAT gave the go- ahead, Marines would start going ashore, securing port and airfield facilities in and around Poti so that relief supplies could begin arriving by ship and plane.
Meanwhile, the Jefferson battle group’s aircraft would impose a UN-dictated no-fly zone over western Georgia. By stopping all air traffic within a triangle marked out by the cities of Batumi and Sukhumi on the coast, and Kutasisi, about fifty miles inland from Poti, a fragile peace might be eked out among the warring tribes and factions; if it worked in western Georgia, the UN sanctions would be extended, taking in all of Georgia and the neighboring states of Armenia and Azerbaijan as well. That region was still a running sore in this part of the world, and a successfully enforced UN-mandated peace there would go a long way toward legitimizing the notion of a United Nations with teeth.
The UN also hoped to use a strong military presence to defuse other problems in the area as well. Turkey had threatened more than once to invade former Soviet Armenia in order to quell the restlessness of its own Armenian population and the threat of a single Armenian state carved from both sides of the border; Iran, too, was a regional wild card, with troops poised on the Iranian-Azerbaijani border threatening to intervene in that country as well.
