THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND
The prohibition against bank notes of small denomination
deserves special notice. It was an excellent concept, but what the legislators failed to understand, or at least
In 1837, as the Bank of the United States slipped into history, the nation was at the tail end of an economic boom. Professor Rothbard tells us that this expansion and the accompanying inflation had been 'fueled by the central bank.'1 Total money in circulation had risen by eighty-four per cent in just four years.
Then, as inevitable as the setting sun, that portion of the money supply which had been created by fractional- reserve banking—in other words, the part which was backed by
Many banks folded also, but their operators walked away with the spoils. Only the depositors were left holding the empty bag.
There were numerous proposals advanced regarding how to
infuse stability into the banking system. But, then as now, none of them dealt with the real problem, which was fractional-reserve banking itself. As Groseclose observed, these proposals were 'each according to a particular theory of how to multiply loaves and fishes, or how to make candy wool.'2 Since the proposals presented then are identical to the ones being offered today, and since each of them was actually tried, it would seem appropriate to inquire into the actual results of these experiments.
PROPOSAL TO BASE MONEY ON BANK ASSETS
There were four schools of thought regarding the multiplication of loaves and fishes. The first of these was that the creation of money should be limited to a ratio of the bank's assets. This was the formula that was tried in the New England states. In Massachusetts, for example, the issuance of bank notes was limited to two 1. Rothbard,
2. Groseclose,
LOAVES AND FISHES AND CIVIL WAR 363
times the amount of the bank's capital actually held in the vault.
Furthermore, this could not be in the form of paper money, bonds, securities, or other debt instruments; it had to be strictly gold or silver coin. Also, the banks were limited in the number of small-denomination bank notes they could issue and, in this, Massachusetts served as the model for Jackson's attempted reform at the federal level. By previous standards, and certainly by the standards that prevail today, this was an exceptionally conservative policy. In fact, even during the previous stress of the War of 1812, when banks were failing by the hundreds across the country, the Massachusetts banks, and most of the other New England banks as well, were able to maintain full payment in specie.
With the passage of time, however, the limit on bank notes became less important, because the banks now were using
Consequently, the monetary contraction of 1837 'was like a scythe over the crop,' says Groseclose, and thirty- two Massachusetts banks collapsed between that year and 1844.1
The state attempted to patch the system by instituting a
network of bank examiners and by increasing the liability of bank stockholders for the lost funds of their depositors, but the underlying problem was
Massachusetts had not solved the problem.
PROPOSAL TO PROTECT DEPOSITS WITH A SAFETY
FUND
The second theory about how to have stable banking
364 THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND
sudden drain of its reserves. It was the forerunner of today's Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and related agencies.
The first safety fund was established in New York in 1829. The law required each bank to contribute annually one-half of one per cent of its capital stock until the total reached three per cent. The fund was first put to the test during the crisis of 1837, and was almost swamped. The only thing that saved it was that the state agreed to accept the worthless notes of all the defunct banks as payment for canal tolls. In other words, the taxpayers were compelled to make up the difference. When the fund was
exhausted, the solvent banks were punished by being forced to pay for the deficits of the insolvent ones. Naturally, this impelled
Groseclose says: