until the USSR began to collapse.
Soviet economic and military investments in Cuba, including the establishment of a military brigade near Havana, were both a strategic advantage and a vulnerability, the latter because of the preponderance of U.S. power in the region. Soviet leaders were careful to make clear that they did not guarantee Cuba against a US attack. Nor was Cuba admitted to the Warsaw Pact. In that military sense their relationship was more a partnership than an alliance. After the Nicaraguan revolution of 1979, Moscow was even more careful, learning from lessons in Cuba, not to guarantee the Sandinistas economic viability or military security.
General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev’s commitment to glasnost led to public knowledge in Russia of the costly nature of Soviet subsidies to Cuba; perestroika led to a reexamination of the Cuban regime and its relationship to Soviet interests. In his efforts to put the USSR on a more solid footing, particularly with respect to Germany, Gorbachev sought support from the United States. For their part, President George Bush and Secretary of State James Baker sought Gorbachev’s collaboration in ending the Cold War in Latin America. In response to U.S. pressure among other factors, Gorbachev withdrew the Soviet military brigade from Cuba and ended lavish economic aid to Cuba. His actions led to the termination of Soviet and Cuban involvement in revolutionary movements in Central America. To Moscow’s advantage, and to the huge impoverishment of Cuba, the Soviet Union and Cuba were set free of their mutual entanglements. See also: COLD WAR; CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS; KHRUSHCHEV, NIKITA SERGEYEVICH; UNITED STATES, RELATIONS WITH.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Blasier, Cole. (1989). The Giant’s Rival: The USSR and Latin America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Mesa-Lago, Carmelo, ed. (1993). Cuba after the Cold War. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Pavlov, Yuri. (1994). Soviet Cuban Alliance, 1959-1991. Miami: University of Miami North South Center. Smith, Wayne S., ed. (1992). The Russians Aren’t Coming: New Soviet Policy in Latin America. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party in 1956, Nikita Khrushchev denounced Josef Stalin’s “Cult of Personality” in the so-called “Secret Speech.” He declared, “It is impermissible and foreign to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism to elevate one person, to transform him into a superman possessing supernatural characteristics akin to those of a god.” In addition to enumerating Stalin’s repression of the Communist Party during the purges, Khrushchev recounted how in films, literature, his Short Biography, and the Short Course of the History of the Communist Party, Stalin displaced Vladimir Lenin, the Party, and the people and claimed responsibility for all of the successes of the Revolution, the civil war, and World War II. Khrushchev’s speech praised Lenin as a modest “genius,” and demanded that “history, literature and the fine arts properly reflect Lenin’s role and the great deeds of our Communist Party and of the
CULT OF PERSONALITY
Soviet people.” Khrushchev’s formulation reveals the paradox of the “cult of personality.” While denigrating the cult of Stalin, Khrushchev reinvigo-rated the cult of Lenin.
Analysts have traced the leader cult back to the earliest days of the Soviet Union, when a personality cult spontaneously grew up around Lenin. The cult grew among Bolsheviks because of Lenin’s stature as Party leader and among the population due to Russian traditions of the personification of political power in the tsar (Tucker, 1973, pp. 59-60). Lenin himself was appalled by the tendency to turn him into a mythic hero and fought against it. After the leader’s death in 1924, however, veneration of Lenin became an integral part of the Communist Party’s quest for legitimacy. Party leaders drew on both political and religious traditions in their decision to place a mausoleum containing the embalmed body of Lenin at the geographic and political center of Soviet power in Moscow’s Red Square. Once Lenin was enshrined as a sacred figure, his potential successors scrambled to position themselves as his true heirs.
After Stalin consolidated his power and embarked on the drive for socialist construction, he began to build his own cult of personality. Stalin’s efforts were facilitated by the previously existing leader cult, and he trumpeted his special relationship with Lenin. Early evidence of the Stalin cult can be found in the press coverage of his fiftieth birthday in 1929, which extolled “the beloved leader, the truest pupil and comrade-in-arms of Vladimir Ilich Lenin” (Brooks, 2000, p. 61). In the early 1930s, Stalin shaped his image as leader by establishing himself as the ultimate expert in fields other than politics. He became “the premier living Marxist philosopher” and an authoritative historian of the Party (Tucker, 1992, pp. 150-151). Stalin shamelessly rewrote Party history to make himself Lenin’s chief assistant and adviser in 1917. Soviet public culture of the 1930s and 1940s attributed all of the achievements of the Soviet state to Stalin directly and lauded his military genius in crafting victory in World War II. Stalin’s brutal repressions went hand in hand with a near-deification of his person. The outpouring of grief at his death in 1953 revealed the power of Stalin’s image as wise father and leader of the people.
Once he had consolidated power, Nikita Khrushchev focused on destroying Stalin’s cult. Many consider Khrushchev’s 1956 attack on the Stalin cult to be his finest political moment. Although Khrushchev criticized Stalin, he reaffirmed the institution of the leader cult by invoking Lenin and promoting his own achievements. Khrushchev’s condemnation of the Stalin cult was also limited by his desire to preserve the legitimacy of the socialist construction that Stalin had undertaken. After Khrushchev’s fall, Leonid Brezhnev criticized Khrushchev’s personal style of leadership but ceased the assault on Stalin’s cult of personality. He then employed the institution of the leader cult to enhance his own legitimacy.
Like Stalin’s cult, Brezhnev’s cult emphasized “the link with Lenin, [his] . . . role in the achievement of successes . . . and his relationship with the people” (Gill). The Brezhnev-era party also perpetuated the Lenin cult and emphasized its own links to Lenin by organizing a lavish commemoration of the centennial of Lenin’s birth in 1970. The association of Soviet achievements with Brezhnev paled in comparison to the Stalin cult and praise of Brezhnev’s accomplishments often linked them to the Communist Party as well. Both Khrushchev and Brezhnev sought to raise the status of the Communist Party in relation to its leader. Yet Stalin, Khrushchev, and Brezhnev all conceived of the role of the people as consistently subordinate to leader and Party.
It was not until Gorbachev instituted the policy of glasnost, or openness, in the mid-1980s that the institution of the cult of personality came under sustained attack. The Soviet press revealed Stalin’s crimes and then began to scrutinize the actions of all of the Soviet leaders, eventually including Lenin. The press under Gorbachev effectively demolished the institution of the Soviet leader cult by revealing the grotesque falsifications required to perpetuate it and the violent repression of the population hidden behind its facade. These attacks on the cult of personality undermined the legitimacy of the Soviet Union and contributed to its downfall.
In the post-Soviet period, analysts have begun to see signs of a cult of personality growing around Vladimir Putin. Other observers, however, are skeptical of how successful such a leader cult could be in the absence of a Party structure to promote it and given the broad access to information that contemporary Russians enjoy. The cult of personality played a critical role in the development of the Soviet state and in its dissolution. The discrediting of the cult of the leader as an institution in the late Soviet period makes its post-Soviet future uncertain at best.
CULTURAL REVOLUTION
See also: KHRUSHCHEV, NIKITA SERGEYEVICH; LENIN’S TOMB; LENIN, VLADIMIR ILICH; PUTIN, VLADIMIR VLADIMIROVICH; STALIN, JOSEF VISSARIONOVICH
Brooks, Jeffrey. (2000). Thank You, Comrade Stalin! Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Gill, Graeme. (1980). “The Soviet Leader Cult: Reflections on the Structure of Leadership in the Soviet Union.” British Journal of Political Science 10(2):167-186. “How Likely Is a Putin Cult of Personality?” (2001). [Panel Discussion] Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 53(21):4-6. Khrushchev, Nikita. (1956). “On the Cult of Personality and Its Harmful Consequences” Congressional Proceedings and Debates of the 84th Congress, 2nd Session (May 22-June 11), C11, Part 7 (June 4), pp. 9,389-9,403. Tucker, Robert C. (1973). Stalin as Revolutionary, 1879-1929. New York: Norton. Tucker, Robert C. (1992). Stalin in Power: The Revolution from Above, 1928-1941. New York: Norton. Tumarkin, Nina. (1983). Lenin Lives! The Lenin Cult in Russia. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
KAREN PETRONE
