career as an impresario. Those led to the founding of an ambitious art journal, Mir iskusstva (The World of Art, 1898-1904). As Diagilev’s attentions shifted to Western Europe, the nucleus of Diagilev’s World of Art group remained with him. His first European export was an exhibition of Russian paintings in Paris in 1906. A series of concerts of Russian music followed the next year, and in 1908 Diagilev brought Russian opera to Paris. With designers Alexandre Benois and L?on Bakst, the choreographer Michel Fokine, and dancers of such renown as Vaslav Nijinsky and Anna Pavlova, Di-agilev began to introduce European audiences to Russian ballet in 1909.
The early Ballets Russes repertory included overwrought Orientalist fantasy ballets such as Sch?h?razade (1910), investigations of the antique (L’Apr?s-midi d’un Faune, 1912), and folkloric representations of Russian and Slavic culture (The Firebird, 1910). The company also introduced such masterworks as Stravinsky’s Petrushka (1911, with choreography by Fokine) and Rite of Spring (1913, choreographed by Nijinsky). Whatever the lasting value of these early collaborations (the original choreography of many of them has been lost), the Diagilev ballets were emblematic of Russian Silver Age culture in their synaesthesia (combining music, dance, and d?cors) and their engagement with the West.
Diagilev’s company toured Europe and the Americas for two decades, until the impresario’s death in 1929. And while many of Diagilev’s original, Russian collaborators broke away from his organization in the years following World War I, Diagilev’s troupe became a more cosmopolitan enterprise and featured the work of a number of important French painters and composers in those years. Nonetheless, Diagilev continued to seek out ?migr? Soviet artists; the final years of his enterprise were crowned by the choreography of George Balanchine, then an unknown dancer and promising choreographer.
Diagilev had long suffered from diabetes and died in Venice in 1929. His influence continued to be felt in the ballets presented, the companies established, and the new popularity of dance in the twentieth century. The relatively short, one-act work, typically choreographed to extant symphonic music, and the new prominence of the male dancer speak to Diagilev’s influence. An astonishing number of dance companies established around the world in the twentieth century owe their existence to Diagilev’s model; many of them boast a direct lineage. See also: BALLET; SILVER AGE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Buckle, Richard. (1979). Diaghilev. New York: Atheneum. Garafola, Lynn. (1989). Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes. New York: Oxford University Press.
A concept in Soviet Marxist-Leninist ideology.
Dialectical materialism was the underlying approach to the interpretation of history and society in Soviet Marxist-Leninist ideology. According to Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, in the history of philosophy, the clash of contradictory ideas has generated constant movement toward higher levels. Karl Marx poured new content into the dialectic with his materialist interpretation of history, which asserted that the development of the forces of production was the source of the conflicts or contradictions that would demolish each stage of society and lead to its replacement with a higher stage. Marx’s collaborator, Friedrich Engels, systematized the three laws of the dialectic that were to figure prominently in the official Soviet ideology: (a) the transformation of quantity into quality; (b) the unity of opposites; and (c) the negation of the negation. According to the first of those laws, within any stage of development of society, changes accumulate gradually, until further change cannot be accommodated within the framework of that stage and must proceed by a leap of revolutionary transformation, like that from feudal society to capitalism. The second law signifies that within any stage, mutually antagonistic forces are built into to the character of the system; for instance, the capitalists and the proletariat are locked in a relationship of struggle, but as long as capitalism survives, the existence of each of those classes presumes the existence of the other. The third law of the dialectic supposedly reflects the reality
DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
that any new stage of society (i.e., capitalism) has replaced or negated a previous stage, but will itself eventually be replaced by still another stage of development (i.e., communism).
In Soviet Marxist-Leninist ideology under successive political leaders, though the insistence on the universal validity of the laws of the dialectic became highly dogmatic, the application of those laws was continually adapted, depending on the political objectives and calculations of the top leaders. Most crucial is the example of Josef Stalin, who insisted that the dialectic took the form of destructive struggle within capitalist societies, but tried to exempt Soviet socialism from the harshness of such internal conflict by arguing that in socialism, the conscious planning and control of change eliminated fundamental inconsistency between the material base and the political-administrative superstructure. Thus in socialism the interplay of nonantagonistic contradictions could open the way to gradual leaps of relatively painless qualitative transformation. Mikhail Gorbachev later repudiated that reasoning as having been the philosophical rationale for evading necessary reforms in political and administrative structures in the Soviet Union from the 1930s to the 1980s. See also: HEGEL, GEORG WILHELM FRIEDRICH; LENIN, VLADIMIR ILICH; MARXISM
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Avineri, Shlomo. (1971). Karl Marx: Social and Political Thought. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Carver, Terrell. (1983). Marx and Engels: The Intellectual Relationship. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Evans, Alfred B., Jr. (1993). Soviet Marxism-Leninism: The Decline of an Ideology. Westport, CT: Praeger.
The concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat originated with Karl Marx and was applied by Vladimir Lenin as the organizational principle of the communist state after the Russian Revolution. Josef Stalin subsequently adopted it to organize workers’ states in Eastern Europe following the Soviet takeover after 1945. In China, Mao Zedong claimed that the communist revolution of 1949 was the first step to establishing a proletarian dictatorship, even though the peasantry had been largely responsible for the revolution’s success.
In The Communist Manifesto (1848), Marx gave the reasoning for establishing absolute authority in the name of the working class: “The first step on the path to the workers’ revolution is the elevation of the proletariat to the position of ruling class. The proletariat will gain from its political domination by gradually tearing away from the bourgeoisie all capital, by centralizing all means of production in the hands of the State, that is to say in the hands of the proletariat itself organized as the ruling class.” In Critique of the Gotha Program (1875), he theorized how “between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. There corresponds to this also a political transition period in which the State can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.” Marx employed the term, then, as absolutist rule not by an individual but an entire socio-economic class. If capitalism constituted the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, it would be replaced by socialism-a dictatorship of the proletariat. In turn, socialist dictatorship was to be followed by communism, a classless, stateless society.
In his 1891 postscript to Marx’s The Civil War in France (1871), Friedrich Engels addressed social-democratic critics of this concept: “Well and good, gentlemen, do you want to know what this dictatorship looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. That was the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.” Differences over the principle-and over whether a conspiratorial communist party was to incorporate this idea-were to divide the left into revolutionary (in Russia, Bolshevik) and reformist (Menshe-vik) wings.
Lenin developed the praxis of proletarian dictatorship in State and Revolution (1917): “The proletariat only needs the state for a certain length of time. It is not the elimination of the state as a final aim that separates us from the anarchists. But we assert that to attain this end, it is essential to utilize temporarily against the exploiters the instruments, the means, and the procedures of political power, in the same way as it is essential, in order to eliminate the classes, to instigate the temporary dictatorship of the oppressed class.” A dictatorship by and for the proletariat would realize Lenin’s dictum that the only good revolution was one that could defend itself. Dictatorship would alDIOCESE low the working class to consolidate political power, suppress all opposition, gain control of the means of production, and destroy the machinery of the bourgeois state. Political socialization would follow: “It will be necessary under the dictatorship of the proletariat to reeducate millions of peasants and small proprietors, hundreds of thousands of office employees, officials, and bourgeois intellectuals.” Paradoxically, Lenin saw this form
