While a student at Moscow University, Herzen became the center of gravity for a circle of critically-minded youth opposed to the existing social and moral order; in 1834 both Herzen and Ogarev were arrested for expressing their opinions in private. Herzen was exiled to Perm and later to Vyatka, where he worked as a clerk in the governor’s
HERZEN, ALEXANDER IVANOVICH
office. A surprise encounter with the future tsar Alexander Nikolayevich (later Alexander II) led to his transfer to the city of Vladimir. There he found work as a journalist, and later received permission to reside in St. Petersburg. This, however, was soon followed by another period of exile that lasted until 1842. Meanwhile, Herzen’s study and propagation of Hegelian philosophy became the cornerstone of his debates and intellectual alliances with radical Westernizers such as Vissarion Grigorievich Be-linsky, moderates such as Timofey Nikolayevich Granovsky, and the early Slavophiles. He established himself as a prolific writer on issues such as the perils of excess specialization of knowledge, the promises and defaults of utopian socialism exemplified by Robert Owen (1771- 1858) and Charles Fourier (1772-1837), the libertarian anarchism of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865), and, most of all, the purportedly socialist promise of the Russian peasant commune. This latter subject became the centerpiece of his thought and worldview; as set forth in his key work, From the Other Shore (1847-1848, coinciding with the appearance of Marx’s Communist Manifesto), Herzen laid out the key arguments of Russian populism, arguing that the primordial collective morality of the commune must be preserved against the inroads of capitalism, and extolling Russia’s opportunity to overtake the West on the path of social progress toward a just and equitable organization of society, without having to pass through the capitalist stage. Populism, as envisioned by Herzen, was to become one of the two main currents of Russia’s revolutionary thought, alongside with Marxism. Each of these philosophical strains cross-fertilized and competed with the other.
In 1847, urged by Ogarev from abroad to escape the dictatorial regime of Nicholas I, Herzen managed to overcome political obstacles to his emigration and leave Russia, as it later turned out, forever. He traveled across continental Europe, witnessed the failure of the French Revolution of 1848, and invested in a radical newspaper edited by Proudhon that was soon to be shut down. He developed a bitter critique of European capitalism, which he denounced for its Philistine depravity and wickedness. In his view, even the promise of socialism was hardly a cure for corruption of what one would call today the consumer society. This new outlook reinforced the Russo-centric element of his populism (although never reconciling him with Russian domestic oppression), and was reflected in his major writings of the period, including Letters from France and Italy, published over the period from 1847 to 1854; On the Development of Revolutionary Ideas in Russia, published in 1851; and Russian People and Socialism, published in 1851.
In 1852 Herzen moved from Nice to London, which became his home until the end of his life. He set up the first publishing house devoted to Russian political dissent, printing revolutionary leaflets, his journal Polyarnaya zvezda (Polar Star), and, finally, his pivotal periodical, Kolokol (The Bell), which he published between 1857 and 1867. This brought Herzen great fame in Russia, where the liberal atmosphere of Alexander II’s Great Reforms allowed Herzen’s works to be distributed, albeit illicitly, across the country. Kolokol’s initial agenda advocated the emancipation of the serfs and played a major role in shaping social attitudes such that emancipation became inevitable.
Although living in London, Herzen often spoke out publicly on key issues of the day, addressing his remarks directly to Tsar Alexander II, at times positioning himself as a mediator between the authorities and the liberal and radical elements of Russian society, but identifying firmly with the latter. After 1861, however, his ?migr? politics were rapidly overtaken by growing radicalism within Russia, and he was increasingly treated with condescension by the younger activists as being out of touch with the new realities. The crackdown on the Polish rebellion by tsarist troops in 1863 and the ensuing conservative tilt in Russia marked the twilight of Herzen’s public career. He died in Paris in 1870, and was buried in Nice. Over time he became a symbolic founding figure of Russia’s democratic movement, broadly conceived to include its different and often widely divergent ideological and political traditions. In this, his reputation is similar to Pushkin’s standing within Russian literature. He is best remembered for his ability to synthesize a variety of anti-authoritarian currents, from liberal and libertarian to revolutionary-socialist and Rus- sophile populist, whose mutual contradictions were not as clearly evident in his time as they became in later years.
Among his many literary works, which range from fiction to philosophy and politics, the central place is occupied by My Past and Thoughts, which was written between 1852 and 1866. This is a personal, political, and intellectual autobiography, into which he injected a wide-ranging discussion and analysis of the major developments of his time in Russia and Europe. See also: DISSIDENT MOVEMENT; POPULISM; SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARIES; WESTERNIZERS
HIGHER PARTY SCHOOL
Herzen, Alexander. (1979). The Russian People and Socialism, tr. Richard Wollheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herzen, Alexander. (1989). From the Other Shore, tr. Moura Budberg. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herzen, Alexander. (1999). My Past and Thoughts, tr. Constance Garnett. Berkeley: University of California Press. Herzen, Alexander, and Zimmerman, Judith E. (1996). Letters from France and Italy, 1847-1851. Pitt Series in Russian and East European Studies, No 25. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Malia, Martin. (1961). Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism, 1812-1855. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Venturi Franco. (2001). Roots of Revolution, revised ed., tr. Francis Haskell. London: Phoenix Press. Walicki, Andrzej. (1969). The Controversy over Capitalism: Studies in the Social Philosophy of the Russian Populists. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
The Higher Party School was created in 1939 under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It was tasked with training future leaders (known in Soviet parlance as “cadres”) for Party and state positions. The purpose was to prepare them for propaganda work with the masses and for supervising managers and state officials, while ensuring their political loyalty or partynost (Party-mindedness). In 1978 it was merged with the Academy of Social Sciences, which provided more advanced training. A similar Higher School was created for the Young Communist League (Komsomol) in 1969. Party officials under the age of forty were selected by the Communist Party and came to the main school in Moscow from across the Soviet Union for a two-year training program that was long on Marx, Lenin, and the latest Party edicts and short on practical skills. For leaders from the non-Russian republics, attendance provided important exposure to life in the Soviet capital. With the general erosion of ideology in the Brezhnev era, the Party became increasingly concerned about the efficacy of its ideological training, so funding for Party education was increased.
Selection for the school was an important step in the career ladder for would-be members of the higher Party nomenklatura. Living conditions at the school were comfortable, and it provided an opportunity to meet senior Party officials and to network with one’s peers, connections that could be useful in one’s future career. The Moscow school had about 120 faculty and 300 students per year; it also had 22 regional branches that ran shorter seminars and correspondence courses for Communist leaders at every level in the Party hierarchy, including the heads of regional and city councils (soviets). Some of these schools provided remedial education for Party cadres who had missed out on higher education. In the 1980s one in three of the regional (obkom) party secretaries had passed through the Higher Party School; its graduates included General Secretary Yuri Andropov. Ironically Vyacheslav Shostakovsky, the school’s rector, was one of the leaders of the Democratic Platform movement that in 1990 called for the Communist Party to relinquish its monopoly of power. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the network of Party schools turned themselves into colleges of management and public administration. The premises of the Higher Party School itself are now occupied by the Russian State Humanities University. See also: CADRES POLICY; COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rutland, Peter. (1992). The Politics of Economic Stagnation in the Soviet Union. New York: Cambridge University Press.
