Vladimir).
Although historians disagree on Andrei Yure-vich’s objectives, it is established that he defended the traditional order of succession to Kiev but chose to live in his patrimony of Vladimir, whose political, economic, cultural, and ecclesiastical importance he attempted to raise above that of Kiev.
In 1149 Andrei’s father, Yuri Vladimirovich “Dolgoruky,” gave him Vyshgorod, located north of Kiev, and then transferred him to Turov, Pinsk, and Peresopnitsa. Two years later Andrei returned to Suzdalia. In 1155 Yuri gave him Vyshgorod once again, but Andrei returned soon afterward to Vladimir on the Klyazma. After Yuri died in Kiev in 1157, the citizens of Rostov, Suzdal, and Vladimir chose Andrei as their prince. He had autocratic ambitions for Suzdalia and, according to some, for all of Rus. He weakened the power of the veche (popular assembly), treated boyars like vassals, and, in 1161, evicted his brothers and two nephews from Suzdalia. Moreover, he spurned the powerful bo-yars of Rostov and Suzdal by making the smaller town of Vladimir his capital. He lived at nearby Bo- golyubovo, after which he obtained his sobriquet “Bogolyubsky.” He beautified Vladimir by building its Assumption Cathedral, its Golden Gates modeled on those of Kiev, his palace at Bogolyubovo, and the Church of the Intercession of Our Lady on the river Nerl. He successfully expanded his domains into the lands of the Volga Bulgars and asserted his influence over Murom and Ryazan. However, Andrei failed to create an independent metropolitanate in Vladimir.
In 1167 Rostislav Mstislavich of Kiev died, and Andrei became the senior and most eligible of the Monomashichi (descendants of Vladimir Mono-makh, reign 1113-1125) to rule Kiev. Mstislav Izyaslavich of Volyn preempted Andrei’s bid for Kiev and appointed his son to Novgorod. Andrei saw Mstislav’s actions as a violation of the traditional order of succession to Kiev and as a challenge to his own interests in Novgorod. Thus in 1169 he sent a large coalition of princes to evict Mstislav. They fulfilled their mission and plundered Kiev in the process. Some historians argue that this event marked a turning point in the history of Rus; Kiev’s capture signaled its decline and Andrei’s attempt to subordinate it to Vladimir. Others argue that Andrei sought to recover the Kievan throne for the rightful Monomashich claimants because Kiev was the capital of the land, thereby affirming its importance even after it was plundered.
Andrei broke tradition by not occupying Kiev in person. He appointed his brother, Gleb, to rule it in his stead. Even though Andrei was able to summon troops from Suzdalia, Novgorod, Murom, Ryazan, Polotsk, and Smolensk, he failed to assert his control over Kiev. Its citizens evidently poisoned Gleb. In 1173 Andrei ordered the Rostislavichi (descendants of Rostislav Mstislavich of Smolensk) to vacate Kiev, but later they succeeded in evicting his lieutenants and taking them captive. Andrei organized a second campaign with Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, to whom he agreed to cede control of Kiev, but the coalition failed to take the city. While Andrei was waiting to receive approval from Svyatoslav to hand over Kiev to the
ANDREYEV, LEONID NIKOLAYEVICH
Rostislavichi, his boyars murdered him on June 29, 1174. See also: BOYAR; KIEVAN RUS; NOVGOROD THE GREAT
Franklin, Simon, and Shepard, Jonathan. (1996). The Emergence of Rus 750-1200. London: Longman. Hurwitz, Ellen. (1980). Prince Andrej Bogoljubskij: The Man and the Myth. Florence: Licosa Editrice. Martin, Janet. (1995). Medieval Russia 980-1584. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Pelenski, Jaroslaw. (1998). The Contest for the Legacy of Kievan Rus’ (East European Monographs 377). New York: Columbia University Press.
aire Alfred Vanderbilt on the Lusitania in 1915, and seeks to convey the doom of bourgeois society.
In addition to his writing, Andreyev was also an accomplished color photographer and painter. He displayed pro-Russian patriotism in World War I, but welcomed the February Revolution of 1917. Later that year, he radically opposed the Bolshevik coup and emigrated to Finland. In his last essay, “S.O.S.” (1919), he called upon the president of the United States to intervene in Russia militarily. Andreyev died on September 12th of that same year. See also: GORKY, MAXIM; SILVER AGE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Newcombe, Josephine. (1972). Leonid Andreyev. Letch-worth, UK: Bradda Books. Woodward, James. (1969). Leonid Andreyev: A Study. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.
(1871-1919), Russian prose writer, playwright, and publicist whose works, internationally acclaimed in his lifetime, are infused with humanistic protest against social oppression and humiliation.
Born on August 21, 1871, in the town of Oryol (Orel), Leonid Nikolayevich Andreyev studied law at St. Petersburg University and briefly practiced as a lawyer. A volume of stories, published in 1901 by Maxim Gorky’s “Znanie” enterprise, made him famous. After the death of his first wife in 1906 and the violent oppression of the anti-autocratic mutinies that occurred between 1905 and 1907, Andreyev entered a period of deep resignation, abandoning radical leftist ideas but failing to develop viable alternatives. His political confusion resonated with the liberal intelligentsia, for whose he became the most fashionable of authors in the 1910s.
In Andreyev’s narratives, crass images of irrationality and hysteria are often blended with crude melodrama, yet they also reveal persistent social sensitivities. Thus, the short story “Krasnyi smekh” (“Red Laughter,” 1904) depicts the horror of war, whereas “Rasskaz o semi poveshennykh” (“The Seven Who Were Hanged,” 1908) attacks capital punishment while idealizing political terrorism. Andreyev’s plays, closely associated with Symbolism, caused scandals and enjoyed huge popularity. His unfinished novel Dnevnik Satany (Satan’s Diary, 1918) was inspired by the death of U.S. millionANDREYEVA, NINA ALEXANDROVNA (b. 1938), teacher, author, political activist, and social critic.
Born on October 12, 1938, in Leningrad, Nina Alexandrovna Andreyeva joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1966, and became a teacher of chemistry at the Leningrad Technical Institute in 1973. A self styled Stalinist and devotee of political order, she wrote an essay that defended many aspects of the Stalinist system, assailed reformists’ efforts to provide a more accurate picture of the history of the USSR, and implied that General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and his closest supporters were not real communists. Her essay “I Cannot Forsake My Principles” was published in the orthodox newspaper Sovetskaia Rossiya at a time when Gorbachev and Alexander Niko-layevich Yakovlev were abroad, and cited (without attribution) an orthodox report by the secretary of the Party’s Central Committee, Yegor Kuzmich Lig-achev, in February 1988. Officials in the ideological department of the Central Committee evidently edited her original letter, and Ligachev reportedly ordered its dissemination throughout the party. Ligachev repeatedly denied responsibility for its publication.
Orthodox party officials applauded the essay, whereas members of the liberal intelligentsia feared
ANDROPOV, YURI VLADIMIROVICH
that it represented a major defeat for the intellectual freedom supported by the general secretary. Gorbachev subsequently revealed that many members of the Politburo seemed to share Andreyeva’s views, and that he had to browbeat them into approving the publication of an official rejoinder. The published response appeared in Pravda on April 5, 1988, and was not nearly as forceful as its authors have claimed. In the aftermath of this discussion, the General Secretary at least temporarily tightened his own control over the Secretariat of the Central Committee. The entire episode may have contributed to his decision to reform the Secretariat in the fall of 1988.
Andreyeva subsequently played a leadership role in the formation of orthodox communist organizations. She headed the organizing committee of the Bolshevik Platform of the CPSU that “expelled” Gorbachev from the party in September 1991. In November 1991, she became the general secretary of the small but militant All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In October 1993, the party was temporarily suspended along with fifteen other organizations after President Yeltsin’s repression of the attempted coup against his regime. In May 1995 she was stripped of her post as the head of the St. Petersburg Central Committee of the party for “lack of revolutionary activity.” See also: CENTRAL COMMITTEE; COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION; GORBACHEV, MIKHAIL SERGEYE-VICH; LIGACHEV, YEGOR KUZMICH Official portrait of Yuri Andropov, CPSU general secretary, 1982-1984. © BETTMANN/CORBIS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
