Too Big to Fail: The Inside Story of How Wall Street and Washington Fought to Save the FinancialSyst

carefully elucidating the specifics, or, in the jargon of Wall Street, providing the “color.” She put particular emphasis on the firm’s efforts to reduce leverage and increase liquidity. She spelled it all out in painstaking, mind-numbing detail.

It was a stellar presentation. The analysts on the call seemed impressed by Callan’s candor, her command of the facts, her assuredness, and her willingness to acknowledge the outstanding problems.

But she wasn’t finished yet; next came the questions. First up was Meredith Whitney, an analyst with Oppenheimer, who had made her name as an unsparing banking critic the previous fall with the accurate prediction that Citigroup would be forced to cut its dividend. Callan, as well as every other Lehman executive in the room, held their breaths as they waited for Whitney to start probing. “You did a great job, Erin,” Whitney said, to everyone’s amazement. “I really appreciate the disclosure. I’m sure everyone does.”

Callan, trying hard not to show her relief, knew then that she had pulled it off. If Whitney was buying it, all was well. As they spoke, shares of Lehman continued spiking. The markets were buying it, too. The stock would end the day up $14.74, or 46.4 percent, to $46.49, for the biggest one-day gain in the stock since it went public in 1994. William Tanona, an analyst with Goldman Sachs, raised his rating on Lehman to “buy” from “neutral.”

When the session ended, the excitement at Lehman was palpable. Gregory rushed over to give Callan a big hug. Fuld was ecstatic. “The only complaint I have is that you shouldn’t have hung up on the call. Because as long as you were on there, the stock kept coming up,” he told her. Later, as she went down to the bond-trading floor, she passed by the desk of Peter Hornick, the firm’s head of collateralized debt obligation sales and trading. He held out his palm, and she slapped him a high five.

For a brief, shining moment, all seemed well at Lehman Brothers.

Outside Lehman, however, skeptics were already voicing their concerns. “I still don’t believe any of these numbers because I still don’t think there is proper accounting for the liabilities they have on their books,” Peter Schiff, president and chief global strategist of Euro Pacific Capital, told the Washington Post. “People are going to find out that all these profits they made were phony.”

Across town, a prescient young hedge fund manager named David Einhorn, who had just gotten off a red-eye flight from Los Angeles and had raced to his office to listen to the call that morning, was coming to the same conclusion: Lehman was a house of cards. He was one of those “hedgies” investors Fuld had railed about. And he was so influential, he could move markets just by uttering a sentence. He had already bet big money that the firm was more vulnerable than Callan was letting on, and he was getting ready to share his opinion with the world.

CHAPTER TWO

In a leafy enclave of northwest Washington, D.C., Hank Paulson was pacing back and forth in his living room, his cell phone sitting in its usual place, against his ear. It was Easter Sunday, exactly one week after the takeover of Bear Stearns, and Paulson had promised his wife, Wendy, that they’d take a bicycle ride in Rock Creek Park, the large public space that bisects the capital, just down the road from their home. She had been annoyed with him all weekend for spending so much time on the phone.

“Come on, just for an hour,” she said, trying to coax him out of the house. He finally relented; it was the first time in more than a week that he would try to take his mind off work.

Until his phone rang again.

Seconds later, after hearing what the caller had to say, the Treasury secretary exclaimed, “That makes me want to vomit!”

It was Jamie Dimon on his speakerphone from his wood-paneled office on the eighth floor of JP Morgan’s headquarters in Midtown Manhattan, overlooking a barren Park Avenue. He had just told Paulson something the Treasury secretary didn’t want to hear: Dimon had decided to “recut” his $2-a-share deal for Bear Stearns and raise the price to $10.

The news wasn’t completely unexpected. Paulson, who could be relentless, had phoned Dimon virtually every day that week (interrupting his early-morning treadmill jog at least once), and based on those conversations, he knew a higher price for Bear was a possibility. In the days since announcing the deal, both men had become justifiably worried that disgruntled Bear shareholders would vote down the deal in protest of the low price, creating another run on the firm.

But Dimon’s decision still roiled Paulson. He had expected that if Dimon did raise the price, he’d hike it by no more than a few dollars—up to $8 a share, say, but not into double digits.

“That’s more than we talked about,” replied Paulson, who was now whispering into the phone in his unmistakable raspy voice, hardly able to believe what he was hearing. Just a week earlier, when Dimon had indicated that he was prepared to pay $4 a share, Paulson had privately instructed him to lower the price: “I could see something nominal, like one or two dollars per share,” he had said. The fact was, Bear was insolvent without the government’s offer to backstop $29 billion of its debt, and Paulson did not want to be seen as a patsy, bailing out his friends on Wall Street.

“I can’t see why they’re getting anything,” he told Dimon.

So far, nobody other than Dimon knew that the Treasury secretary of the United States of America was behind the original paltry sale price, and Paulson wanted to keep it that way. Like most conservatives, he still honored the principle of “the invisible hand”—that widely held, neoclassical economic notion that official intervention was at best a last resort.

As a former CEO himself, Paulson understood Dimon’s position perfectly well. He, too, wanted to restore calm to the markets, for it had been a nail-biter of a week. After the $2-a-share purchase price had been announced, Bear’s shareholders and employees had practically revolted, threatening to upend not just the deal but also the entire market. And in the hastily arranged merger agreement, Dimon had found a glaring error, which he blamed on his lawyers, Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz: Bear’s shareholders could vote against the deal, and JP Morgan would still be on the hook to guarantee its trades for an entire year.

Dimon recounted to Paulson how Ed Moldaver, a longtime broker at Bear—“an asshole,” in Dimon’s estimation—had publicly mocked him during a meeting Dimon had called to explain the transaction to Bear employees. “This isn’t a shotgun marriage,” Moldaver scowled in front of hundreds of Bear staffers. “This is more like a rape.”

In Washington, Paulson now revealed to Dimon that he was facing a similar revolt, for most people in government thought everyone on Wall Street was greedy and overpaid, and bailing them out was about as popular a