I considered that for a moment. But, in fact, what do I know? I don’t know anything. At least, nothing I can prove. I’ve no hard facts at all. I know that the story is true simply because no one has denied it – but that’s not proof. I explained all this to Annie, adding that therefore I was in somewhat of a fix.
She saw the point. Then she handed me a letter. ‘I don’t think you realise just how big a fix you’re in. This arrived today. From Major Saunders.’
This letter is a catastrophe. Major Saunders can prove to the world that he told me about this scandal, and that I did nothing. And it is a photocopy – he definitely has the original.
I’m trapped. Unless Humphrey or Bernard can think of a way out.
Bernard thought of a way out, thank God!
At our meeting first thing on Monday morning he suggested the Rhodesia Solution.
Humphrey was thrilled. ‘Well done Bernard! You excel yourself. Of course, the Rhodesia Solution. Just the job, Minister.’
I didn’t know what they were talking about at first. So Sir Humphrey reminded me of the Rhodesia oil sanctions row. ‘What happened was that a member of the government had been told about the way in which British companies were sanction-busting.’
‘So what did he do?’ I asked anxiously.
‘He told the Prime Minister,’ said Bernard with a sly grin.
‘And what did the Prime Minister do?’ I wanted to know.
‘Ah,’ said Sir Humphrey. ‘The Minister in question told the Prime Minister in such a way that the Prime Minister didn’t hear him.’
I couldn’t think what he and Bernard could possibly mean. Was I supposed to mumble at the PM in the Division Lobby, or something?
They could see my confusion.
‘You write a note,’ said Humphrey.
‘In very faint pencil, or what? Do be practical, Humphrey.’
‘It’s awfully obvious, Minister. You write a note that is susceptible to misinterpretation.’
I began to see. Light was faintly visible at the end of the tunnel. But what sort of note?
‘I don’t quite see
‘You can’t,’ said Humphrey, ‘so don’t write that. You use a more . . . circumspect style.’ He chose the word carefully. ‘You must avoid any mention of bombs and terrorists and all that sort of thing.’
I saw that, of course, but I didn’t quite see how to write such an opaque letter. But it was no trouble to Humphrey. He delivered a draft of the letter to my red box for me tonight. Brilliant.
[
[
The letter is masterly because not only does it draw attention to the matter in a way which is unlikely to be remarked, but it also suggests that
I congratulated Humphrey this morning on his letter, and told him it was very unclear. He was delighted.
He had further plans all worked out. We will not send the letter for a little while. We’ll arrange for it to arrive at Number Ten on the day that the PM is leaving for an overseas summit. This will mean that there will be further doubt about whether the letter was read by the PM or by the acting PM, neither of whom will remember of course.
This is the finishing touch, and will certainly ensure that the whole thing is written off as a breakdown in communications. So everyone will be in the clear, and everyone can get on with their business.
Including the red terrorists.
And I’m afraid I’m a little drunk tonight, or I wouldn’t have just dictated that deeply depressing sentence.
But it’s true. And I’ve been formulating some theories about government. Real practical theories, not the theoretical rubbish they teach in Universities.
In government you must always try to do the right thing. But whatever you do, you must never let anyone catch you trying to do it. Because doing right’s wrong, right?
Government is about principle. And the principle is: don’t rock the boat. Because if you do rock the boat all the little consciences fall out. And we’ve all got to hang together. Because if we don’t we’ll all be hanged separately. And I’m hanged if I’ll be hanged.