misconceive me. It is not for me, sirs, coldly to beg of you, in no respect to violate your solemn undertakings. I go further; I beg you, to crown your list of exploits by one final display of virtue. Show the world that you can be faithful to your oaths, and flawless in your conduct.' By these and other kindred arguments he impressed upon them that there was no need for anarchy or disorder, seeing that there were the ancient laws ready for use. And so he broke up[22] the assembly.
[21] I.e. the Public Assembly, see above; and reading with Sauppe after Cobet {ekklesian epoiesan}, which words are supposed to have dropt out of the MSS. Or, keeping to the MSS., translate 'When the generals were come down, Thrasybulus,' etc. See next note.
[22] The Greek words are {antestese ten ekklesian} (an odd phrase for the more technical {eluse} or {dieluse ten ekklesian}). Or, accepting the MSS. reading above (see last note), translate 'he set up (i.e. restored) the Assembly.' So Mr. J. G. Philpotts, Mr. Herbert Hailstone, and others.
At this auspicious moment, then, they reappointed the several magistrates; the constitution began to work afresh, and civic life was recommenced. At a subsequent period, on receiving information that the party at Eleusis were collecting a body of mercenaries, they marched out with their whole force against them, and put to death their generals, who came out to parley. These removed, they introduced to the others their friends and connections, and so persuaded them to come to terms and be reconciled. The oath they bound themselves by consisted of a simple asseveration: 'We will remember past offences no more;' and to this day[23] the two parties live amicably together as good citizens, and the democracy is steadfast to its oaths.
[23] It would be interesting to know the date at which the author penned these words. Was this portion of the 'Hellenica' written before the expedition of Cyrus? i.e. in the interval between the formal restoration of the Democracy, September B.C. 403, and March B.C. 401. The remaining books of the 'Hellenica' were clearly written after that expedition, since reference is made to it quite early in Bk. III. i. 2. Practically, then, the first volume of Xenophon's 'History of Hellenic Affairs' ends here. This history is resumed in Bk. III. i. 3. after the Cyreian expedition [of which episode we have a detailed account in the 'Anabasis' from March B.C. 401 down to March B.C. 399, when the remnant of the Ten Thousand was handed over to the Spartan general Thibron in Asia]. Some incidents belonging to B.C. 402 are referred to in the opening paragraphs of 'Hellenica,' III. i. 1, 2, but only as an introduction to the new matter; and with regard to the historian himself, it is clear that 'a change has come o'er the spirit of his dream.' This change of view is marked by a change of style in writing. I have thought it legitimate, under the circumstances, to follow the chronological order of events, and instead of continuing the 'Hellenica,' at this point to insert the 'Anabasis.' My next volume will contain the remaining books of the 'Hellenica' and the rest of Xenophon's 'historical' writings.
BOOK III
I
B.C. 403-402. Thus the civil strife at Athens had an end. At a subsequent date Cyrus sent messengers to Lacedaemon, claiming requital in kind for the service which he had lately rendered in the war with Athens.[1] The demand seemed to the ephorate just and reasonable. Accordingly they ordered Samius,[2] who was admiral at the time, to put himself at the disposition of Cyrus for any service which he might require. Samius himself needed no persuasion to carry out the wishes of Cyrus. With his own fleet, accompanied by that of Cyrus, he sailed round to Cilicia, and so made it impossible for Syennesis, the ruler of that province, to oppose Cyrus by land in his advance against the king his brother.
[1] Lit. 'what Cyrus himself had been to the Lacedaemonians let the Lacedaemonians in their turn be to Cyrus.'
[2] Samius (Diod. Sic. xiv. 19). But see 'Anab.' I. iv. 2, where Pythagoras is named as admiral. Possibly the one officer succeeded the other.
B.C. 401. The particulars of the expedition are to be found in the pages of the Syracusan Themistogenes,[3] who describes the mustering of the armament, and the advance of Cyrus at the head of his troops; and then the battle, and death of Cyrus himself, and the consequent retreat of the Hellenes while effecting their escape to the sea.[4]
[3] Lit. 'as to how then Cyrus collected an army and with it went up against his brother, and how the battle was fought and how he died, and how in the sequal the Hellenes escaped to the sea (all this), is written by (or 'for,' or 'in honour of') Themistogenes the Syracusan.' My impression is that Xenophon's 'Anabasis,' or a portion of the work so named, was edited originally by Themistogenes. See 'Philol. Museum,' vol. i. p. 489; L. Dindorf, {Xen. Ell.}, Ox. MDCCCLIII., node ad loc. {Themistogenei}. Cf. Diod. Sic. xiv. 19-31, 37, after Ephorus and Theopompus probably.
[4] At Trapezus, March 10, B.C. 400.
B.C. 400. It was in recognition of the service which he had rendered in this affair, that Tissaphernes was despatched to Lower Asia by the king his master. He came as satrap, not only of his own provinces, but of those which had belonged to Cyrus; and he at once demanded the absolute submission of the Ionic cities, without exception, to his authority. These communities, partly from a desire to maintain their freedom, and partly from fear of Tissaphernes himself, whom they had rejected in favour of Cyrus during the lifetime of that prince, were loth to admit the satrap within their gates. They thought it better to send an embassy to the Lacedaemonians, calling upon them as representatives and leaders[5] of the Hellenic world to look to the interests of their petitioners, who were Hellenes also, albeit they lived in Asia, and not to suffer their country to be ravaged and themselves enslaved.
[5] {Prostatai}, 'patrons and protectors.'
In answer to this appeal, the Lacedaemonians sent out Thibron[6] as governor, providing him with a body of troops, consisting of one thousand neodamodes[7] (i.e. enfranchised helots) and four thousand Peloponnesians. In addition to these, Thibron himself applied to the Athenians for a detachment of three hundred horse, for whose service- money he would hold himself responsible. The Athenians in answer sent him some of the knights who had served under the Thirty,[8] thinking that the people of Athens would be well rid of them if they went abroad and perished there.
[6] 'As harmost.' See 'Anab.' ad fin.
[7] See 'Hell.' I. iii. 15; Thuc. vii. 58.
[8] See 'Hell.' II. iv. 2.
B.C. 400-399. On their arrival in Asia, Thibron further collected contingents from the Hellenic cities on the continent; for at this time the word of a Lacedaemonian was law. He had only to command, and every city must needs obey.[9] But although he had this armament, Thibron, when he saw the cavalry, had no mind to descend into the plain. If he succeeded in protecting from pillage the particular district in which he chanced to be, he was quite content. It was only when the troops[10] who had taken part in the expedition of Cyrus had joined him on their safe return, that he assumed a bolder attitude. He was now ready to confront Tissaphernes, army against army, on the level ground, and won over a number of cities. Pergamum came in of her own accord. So did Teuthrania and Halisarna. These were under the government of Eurysthenes and Procles,[11] the descendants of Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, who in days of old had received this territory as a gift from the Persian monarch in return for his share in the campaign against Hellas. Gorgion and Gongylus, two brothers, also gave in their adhesion; they were lords, the one of Gambreum and Palae-Gambreum, the other of Myrina and Gryneum, four cities which, like those above named, had originally been gifts from the king to an earlier Gongylus--the sole Eretrian who 'joined the Mede,' and in consequence was banished. Other cities which were too weak to resist, Thibron took by force of arms. In the case of one he was not so successful. This was the Egyptian[12] Larisa, as it is called, which refused to capitulate, and was forthwith invested and subjected to a regular siege. When all other attempts to take it failed, he set about digging a tank or reservoir, and in connection with the tank an underground channel, by means of which he proposed to draw off the water supply of the inhabitants. In this he was baffled by frequent sallies of the besieged, and a continual discharge of timber and stones into the cutting. He retaliated by the construction of a wooden tortoise which he erected over the tank; but once more the tortoise was burnt to a cinder in a successful night attack on the part of the men of Larisa. These ineffectual efforts induced the ephors to send a despatch bidding Thibron give up Larisa and march upon Caria.
[9] See 'Anab.' VI. vi. 12.
[10] March B.C. 399. See the final sentence of the 'Anabasis.'
[11] See 'Anab.' VII. viii. 8-16.
