That is the simplest situation, but there are also genes influencing many observable traits. For example, the fatal genetic disorder known as Tay-Sachs disease involves many behavioural as well as anatomical anomalies: excessive drooling, rigid posture, yellowish skin, abnormal head growth, and other changes. We know in this case that all these observable effects result somehow from changes in a single enzyme specified by the Tay-Sachs gene, but we do not know exactly how. Since that enzyme occurs in many tissues of our bodies and breaks down a widespread cellular constituent, changes in that one enzyme have wide-ranging and ultimately fatal consequences. Conversely, some traits, such as your height as an adult, are influenced simultaneously by many genes and also by environmental factors (for example, your nutrition as a child).

While scientists understand well the function of numerous genes that specify known individual proteins, we know much less about the function of genes involved in more complex determinations of traits, such as most behavioural features. It would be absurd to think that human hallmarks such as art, language, or aggression depend on a single gene. Behavioural differences among individual humans are obviously subject to enormous environmental influences, and what role genes play in such individual differences is a controversial question. However, for those consistent behavioural differences between chimps and humans, genetic differences are likely to be involved in those species' differences, even though we cannot yet specify the genes responsible. For instance, the ability of humans but not chimps to speak surely depends on differences in genes specifying the anatomy of the voice box and the wiring of the brain. A young chimpanzee brought up in a psychologist's home along with the psychologist's human baby of the same age still continued to look like a chimp and did not learn to talk or walk erect. But whether an individual human grows up to be fluent in English or Korean is independent of genes and dependent solely on its childhood linguistic environment, as proved by the linguistic attainments of Korean infants adopted by English-speaking parents.

With this as background, what can we say about the 1.6 % of our DNA that differs from chimp DNA? We know that the genes for our principal haemoglobin do not differ, and that certain other genes do exhibit minor differences. In the nine protein chains studied to date in both humans and common chimps, only five out of a total of 1,271 amino acids differ: one amino acid in a muscle protein called myoglobin, one in a minor haemoglobin chain called the delta chain, and three in an enzyme called carbonic anhydrase. But we do not yet know which chunks of our DNA are responsible for the functionally significant differences between humans and chimps to be discussed in Chapters Two to Seven: the differences in brain size, anatomy of the pelvis and voice box and genitalia, amount of body hair, female menstrual cycle, menopause, and other traits. Those important changes certainly do not arise from the five amino acid differences detected to date. At present, all we can say with confidence is this: much of our DNA is junk; at least some of the 1.6 % that differs between us and chimps is already known to be junk; and the functionally significant differences must be confined to some as-yet-unidentified small fraction of 1.6 %.

While we do not know which particular genes are the crucial ones, there are numerous precedents for one or a few genes having a big impact. I just mentioned the many large and visible differences between Tay-Sachs patients and normal people, all somehow arising from a single change in one enzyme. That is an example of differences among individuals of the same species. As for differences between related species, a good example is provided by the cichlid fishes of Africa's Lake Victoria. Cichlids are popular aquarium species, of which about two hundred are confined to that one lake, where they evolved from a single ancestor within perhaps the last 200,000 years. Those two hundred species differ among themselves in their food habits as much as do tigers and cows. Some graze on algae, others catch other fish, and still others variously crush snails, feed on plankton, catch insects, nibble the scales off other fish, or specialize in grabbing fish embryos from brooding mother fish. Yet all those Lake Victoria cichlids differ from each other on the average by only about 0.4 % of their DNA studied. Thus it took even fewer genetic mutations to change a snail-crusher into a specialized baby-killer than it took to produce us from an ape.

Do the new results about our genetic distance from chimps have any broader implications, besides technical questions of taxonomic names? Probably the most important implications concern how we think about the place of humans and apes in the universe. Names are not just technical details but express and create attitudes. (To convince yourself, try greeting your spouse this evening either as 'my darling' or as 'you swine', using the same expression and tone of voice.) The new results do not specify how we should think about humans and apes, but, just as did Darwin's On the Origin of Species, they will probably influence how we do think, and it will probably take us many years to readjust our attitudes. I shall mention just one example of a controversial area that might be affected: our use of apes. At present we make a fundamental distinction between animals (including apes) and humans, and this distinction guides our ethical code and actions. For instance, as I noted at the start of this chapter, it is considered acceptable to exhibit caged apes in zoos, but it is not acceptable to do the same with humans. I wonder how the public will feel when the identifying label on the chimp cage in the zoo reads 'Homo troglodytes'. Yet if it were not for the sympathetic interest in apes that many people gain at zoos, there might be much less public financial support for conservationists' efforts to protect apes in the wild.

I also noted earlier that it is considered acceptable to subject apes, but not humans, without their consent to lethal experiments for purposes of medical research. The motive for doing so is precisely because apes are so similar to us genetically. They can be infected with many of the same diseases as we can, and their bodies respond similarly to the disease organisms. Thus, experiments on apes offer a far better way to devise improved medical treatments for humans than would experiments on any other animals.

This ethical choice poses an even more difficult problem than does caging apes in zoos. After all, we regularly cage millions of human criminals under worse conditions than zoo apes, but there is no socially accepted human analogue of medical research on animals, even though lethal experiments on humans would provide medical scientists with far more valuable information than do lethal experiments on chimps. Yet the human experiments performed by Nazi concentration camp physicians are widely viewed as one of the most abominable of all the Nazis' abominations. Why is it all right to perform such experiments on chimps?

Somewhere along the scale from bacteria to humans, we have to decide where killing becomes murder, and where eating becomes cannibalism. Most people draw those lines between humans and all other species. However, quite a few people are vegetarians, unwilling to eat any animal (yet willing to eat plants). An increasingly vocal minority, belonging to the animal rights movement, objects to medical experiments on animals—or at least on certain animals. That movement is especially indignant at research on cats and dogs and primates, less concerned about mice, and generally silent about insects and bacteria.

If our ethical code makes a purely arbitrary distinction between humans and all other species, then we have a code based on naked selfishness devoid of any higher principle. If our code instead makes distinctions based on our superior intelligence, social relationships, and capacity for feeling pain, then it becomes difficult to defend an all-or-nothing code that draws a line between all humans and all animals.

Instead, different ethical constraints should apply to research on different species. Perhaps it is just our naked selfishness, re-emerging in a new disguise, that would advocate granting special rights to those animal species genetically closest to us. But an objective case, based on the considerations I have just mentioned (intelligence, social relationships, etc.), can be made that chimps and gorillas qualify for preferred ethical consideration over insects and bacteria. If there is any animal species currently used in medical research for which a total ban on medical experimentation can be justified, that species is surely the chimpanzee. The ethical dilemma posed by animal experiments is compounded for chimps by the fact that they are endangered as a species. In this case, medical research not only kills individuals but threatens to kill the species itself. That is not to say that demands for research have been the sole threat to wild chimp populations—habitat destruction and capture for zoos have also been major threats—but it is enough that research demands have been a significant threat. The ethical dilemma is further compounded by other considerations: that on the average several wild chimps are killed in the process of capturing one (often a young animal with its mother) and delivering it to a medical research laboratory; that medical scientists have played little role in the struggle to protect wild chimp populations, despite their obvious self-interest in doing so; and that chimps used for research are often caged under cruel conditions. The first chimp that I saw being used for medical research had been injected with a slow- acting lethal virus and was being kept alone, for the several years until it died, in a small, empty, indoor cage at the US National Institutes of Health. Breeding chimps in captivity for research use avoids objections based on depleting wild chimp populations, but that still does not get around the basic dilemma, any more than enslaving children of US-born blacks after abolition of the African slave trade made black slavery in the nineteenth-century

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