17. Fritz Wiedemann, undated notes, as cited in note 13, above.
18. Ibid. Wiedemann first mentioned Eva Braun as well only in his memoir published in 1964: Der Mann, der Feldherr werden wollte: Erlebnisse und Erfahrungen des Vorgesetzten Hitlers im 1; Weltkrieg und seines spateren Personlichen Adjutanten (Velbert, 1964), p. 79.
19. See Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, pp. 50f.
20. State Secretary and Head of the Chancellery (Lammers) to the Minister of Finance (Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk), Berchtesgaden, September 11, 1936 (copy), in R 43/4326, Bl. 5 u. 6, BA Berlin.
21. See Thamer, Der Nationalsozialismus, pp. 183f. See also Akten der Reichskanzlei, Regierung Hitler 1933–1945, vol. 5, Die Regierung Hitler 1938, ed. Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und dem Bundesarchiv (Munich, 2008).
22. See Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, p. 32. The “Private Chancellery of the Fuhrer and Chancellor,” run by Albert Bormann, Martin Bormann’s brother, was Chief Department 1 of the “Chancellery of the Fuhrer.” It lost its significance, as did the “Chancellery,” when the “Party Chancellery” run by Martin Bormann (a renaming of the “Deupty Fuhrer’s” staff after Rudolf Hess’s disappearance) was established in 1941.
23. See State Secretary and Head of the Chancellery (Lammers) to Retired Captain Wiedemann (adjutant to the Fuhrer), Berlin, August 18, 1938 (copy), in Rep. 502, NG-1465, Bl. 739, State Archives, Nuremberg. Lammers writes that he has ordered payment of the “41 receipts” that Weidemann sent over from the Munich art dealer Maria Almas, totaling 284,550 reichsmarks. See also Hanns Christian Lohr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst: Hitler und der “Sonderauftrag Linz” (Berlin, 2005), p. 35; and Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk, Staatsbankrott: Die Geschichte der Finanzpolitik des Deutschen Reiches von 1920 bis 1945, geschrieben vom letzten Reichsfinanzminister (Gottingen, 1974), pp. 241f.
24. See Volkischer Beobachter, January 19, 1937, in R 43 II/1036, Bl. 103, BA Berlin. See also Franz Alfred Six, ed., Dokumente der deutschen Politik: Das Reich Adolf Hitlers, vol. 5 (Berlin, 1940).
25. State Secretary and Head of the Chancellery (Lammers) to the Minister of Finance (Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk), Berchtesgaden, September 11, 1936 (copy), in R 43/4326, Bl. 6, BA Berlin.
26. See Chaussy and Puschner, Nachbar Hitler, p. 132.
27. See Wiedemann, Der Mann der Feldherr werden wollte, pp. 68f. This was also a try for Party work, according to Otto Dietrich (12 Jahre mit Hitler, p. 45).
28. Reichsminister and Head of the Chancellery to the personal adjutant of the Fuhrer and Chancellor (SA- Obergruppenfuhrer Bruckner), Berchtesgaden, October 21, 1938 (copy), in R 43 II/888b, F 1, Bl. 42, BA Berlin.
29. Reichsminister and Head of the Chancellery to Economic Minister Walther Funk, Berchtesgaden, October 24, 1938 (copy), in R 43 II/888b, F 1, Bl. 43, BA Berlin.
30. Reichsminister and Head of the Chancellery to the personal adjutant of the Fuhrer and Chancellor (SA- Obergruppenfuhrer Bruckner), Berchtesgaden, October 21, 1938.
31. See Jorg Osterloh, “Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung im Reichsgau Sudetenland 1918–1945” (dissertation, Munich, 2006), p. 13.
32. See Reichsminister and Head of the Chancellery to the personal adjutant of the Fuhrer and Chancellor (SA-Obergruppenfuhrer Bruckner), Berchtesgaden, October 25, 1938 (copy), in R 43 II/886a, F 3, Bl. 128f., BA Berlin. On Bl. 129, there is a handwritten note mentioning resubmission on October 27 and 31. Lammers, who clearly still had not received an answer from Bruckner after two days, let his assistants remind him twice, presumably to try to get an answer by phone.
33. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 535; Hitler 1936– 1945, p. 186; The “Hitler Myth”: Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987), p. 121. Kershaw writes that Hitler, from 1935–1936 on, withdrew more and more from domestic government activities and turned over political business to “chancelleries, ministries, and special plenipotentiary organizations.” Cf. Martin Moll, ed., “Fuhrer-Erlasse” 1939–1945 (Stuttgart, 1997), p. 11. Moll maintains that this claim is based not least on a “giant gap in the sources with respect to civilian matters.”
34. See Wilhelm Treue, “Das Dritte Reich und die Westmachte auf dem Balkan,” Vierteljahrshefte fur Zeitgeschichte 1 (1953), no. 1, p. 61. Cf. Dilek Barlas, Etatism & Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic & Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939, The Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage, vol. 14, (Leiden, 1998), pp. 188f.
35. See Moll, “Fuhrer-Erlasse,” pp. 26ff.
36. See Gun, Eva Braun, p. 126.
37. Wiedemann, Der Mann, der Feldherr werden wollte, p. 69.
38. Speer, Albert Speer: Die Kransberg-Protokolle 1945, p. 100. How this process of reaching a decision and converting it to action actually played out remains unexplained. See in this regard Moll, “Fuhrer-Erlasse,” p. 26.
39. See Hans Mommsen, “Hitlers Stellung im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem,” in Hirschfeld and Kettenacker, eds., Der “Fuhrerstaat,” pp. 43–72; Carl Schmitt, “Der Zugang zum Machthaber: Ein zentrales verfassungsrechtliches Problem,” in Verfassungsrechtliche Aufsatze aus den Jahren 1924–1954, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1973), pp. 430ff.
40. See Fest, Hitler, p. 718; Knopp, Hitlers Frauen, p. 45.
41. Speer, Albert Speer: Die Kransberg-Protokolle 1945, p. 144.
42. See Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler: Biographie (Munich, 2008), pp. 760ff. Longerich likewise attributes to Himmler an “emotional void” due to insecurity and a deficient emotional life (p. 763).
43. See Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, p. 104; Speer, Albert Speer: Die Kransberg-Protokolle 1945, pp. 233f.
44. See Peter Longerich, Hitlers Stellvertreter: Fuhrung der Partei und Kontrolle des Staatsapparates durch den Stab Hess und die Partei-Kanzlei Bormann (Munich, 1992), p. 109.
45. See Evans, David Irving, Hitler, and Holocaust Denial, electronic edition.
46. Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, p. 34.
47. Speer, Albert Speer: Die Kransberg-Protokolle 1945, p. 144: “This strict separation between politics and private life on the Obersalzberg” lasted until the end of the war. Meanwhile, Speer claims in his memoir that the other “close associates” of the Nazi leadership stayed away from the Obersalzberg (Inside the Third Reich, p. 92).
48. See “Anni Esser, Hanni und Theodor Morell sowie Eva Braun auf einer Tribune am Nurnberger Marktplatz, 10. Reichsparteitag der NSDAP (5.–12. September 1938),” in Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff- 20423 and hoff-20447, BSB Munich.
49. See Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-14083 and hoff-50118, BSB Munich.
50. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 35.
51. Ibid., pp. 22f.
52. Hitler named Below Speer’s “liaison man to Hitler” on May 22, 1944. Below’s assignment was “to keep [Speer] constantly informed about the Fuhrer’s remarks” (Inside the Third Reich, p. 350n).
53. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 81.
54. Ibid., pp. 166ff. Below admitted after the war that he heard about the Einsatzgruppen security forces’ murder of Jews in 1942, in Hitler’s Ukrainian headquarters in Vinnytsia; see KV Anklage, Interrogations, Rep. 502 VI B51, Nicolaus von Below, Interrogation 2786a of Nicolaus von Below, March 24, 1948, p. 10, State Archives, Nuremberg.
55. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 96. See also Maria von Below, quoted in Sereny, Albert Speer, pp. 113ff., and Kershaw, Hitler 1936– 1945, p. 33. Another woman in Hitler’s private circle, Winifred Wagner, expressed similar outrage over Speer’s Inside the Third Reich. No “opponent of Hitler’s” could have written worse things, she said; Hitler was “always [portrayed] as a despot along petit-bourgeois lines” while Speer “completely overlooked his genius—what was in my view his demonic side as well” (quoted in Hamann, Winifred
