original: Speer, Erinnerungen, (Frankfurt am Main and Berlin, 1993 [1st ed., 1969]), p. 108.
101. See Mejstrik et al., Berufsschadigungen in der nationalsozialistischen Neuordnung der Arbeit, pp. 131f.
102. See Thamer, Der Nationalsozialismus, p. 306. See also Lynn H. Nicholas, Der Raub der Europa: Das Schicksal europaischer Kunstwerke im Dritten Reich (Munich, 1995), pp. 57ff.
103. Hans Heinrich Lammers to Heinrich Himmler, Berlin, June 18, 1938, in R 43 II, 1296a, Bl. 5, BA Berlin. Cf. Lohr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, pp. 22f.
104. See Haase, Die Kunstsammlung Adolf Hitler, pp. 16ff.; Brigitte Hamann, Hitlers Wien: Lehrjahre eines Diktators, 5th ed. (Munich, 2002), pp. 11ff.; Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 99.
105. See Lohr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, p. 129.
106. For example, Hitler’s art dealer Karl Haberstock gave Hitler’s secretary Christa Schroeder an “Italian Renaissance storage bench” and a “mirror from the year 1510” with a frame “by the Italian sculptor Sanvoni,” which she proudly displayed in her Berlin apartment. See Christa Schroeder to Johanna Nusser, Berlin, April 28, 1941, in ED 524, IfZ Munich; likewise Spitzy, So haben wir das Reich verspielt, p. 211.)
107. Heinrich Hoffmann’s questioning on November 13, 1946.
108. Ibid.
109. Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, APO 124 A, Evidence Division, Interrogation Branch, Interrogation Summary No. 413, 4. November 1946, Nuremberg (Dr. Karl Brandt), State Archives, Nuremberg.
110. See Nicholas, Der Raub der Europa, pp. 47 and 213; also Gerhard Engel, Heeresadjutant bei Hitler 1938–1943, ed. and annotated by Hildegard von Kotze, Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte fur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 29 (Stuttgart, 1974), pp. 33f.
111. See Lohr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, p. 127; Haase, Die Kunstsammlung Adolf Hitler, pp. 52ff. These two authors do not agree on the question of whether Maria Almas-Dietrich was a member of the NSDAP.
112. See State Secretary and Head of the Chancellery (Lammers) to Retired Captain Wiedemann (adjutant to the Fuhrer), Berlin, August 18, 1938 (copy), in Rep. 502, NG-1465, Bl. 739, State Archives, Nuremberg.
113. See Gabriele Anderl and Alexandra Caruso, eds., NS-Kunstraub in Osterreich und die Folgen (Innsbruck, 2005), p. 41.
114. See Ernst Gunther Schenck, Patient Hitler: Eine medizinische Biographie (Augsburg, 2000), p. 163. Schenck dates the meeting to December 25, 1936, relying on a statement by Heinrich Hoffmann’s son. See also Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105. According to Speer, the first meeting between Hitler and Morell took place long before the end of 1936, possibly even by late 1935. Speer admits to having sought out Morell’s services himself in 1936, on Hitler’s suggestion. See also U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, APO 413, Interview No. 64, “Dr. med. Karl Brandt, 17–18. Juni 1945,” p. 457, in David Irving Collection, ED 100, USSBS: Interrogation Reports, vol. 2, IfZ Munich. Brandt states that Hoffmann brought the future “personal physician” with him to Berlin in 1936, as his own doctor. Morell even lived in Hoffmann’s Berlin apartment at first, which is how he met Hitler.
115. See Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-15850 and hoff-16378, BSB Munich.
116. See Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-20423/hoff-50275/hoff-20676, BSB Munich.
117. See Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, p. 121.
118. See Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105: “From then on, Morell belonged to the intimate circle.” See also Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 97, according to which the Morells were invited to the Berghof for Easter 1938, along with the Bormanns, the Speers, and the Brandts. Also Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206: “Hitler named him his personal physician and later also made him a professor.” In this regard, see Schenck, Patient Hitler, p. 163. Schenck, who analyzed the “Morell Papers” from the U.S. National Archives, held the view that Morell became part of Hitler’s innermost circle only after the beginning of the Second World War, i.e., in 1941.
119. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, pp. 105.
120. Franz von Sonnleithner, Als Diplomat im “Fuhrerhauptquartier” (Munich and Vienna, 1989), p. 59.
121. See Hamann, Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth, pp. 374f.
122. See Kershaw, Der Hitler-Mythos, pp. 162f. and 167; Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206.
123. Cf. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105; Schellenberg, Aufzeichnungen, p. 75. According to Schellenberg, head of domestic counterespionage in the Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt, or RSHA) in 1939, Himmler assigned him to keep Morell under surveillance after the outbreak of war, since he found Morell suspicious on numerous grounds; however, “a connection with enemy secret services” on Morell’s part could “not be proven.”
124. Schenck, Patient Hitler, pp. 163f.
125. Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 185. He referred here to Morell’s wife, Hanni Moller, who allegedly said that bodily examinations of Hitler were impossible for this reason. See Schenck, Patient Hitler, pp. 162 and 180ff.
126. See Reich Minister and Head of the Chancellery, Lammers, to Professor Dr. med. Morell, Berlin, January 31, 1943 (copy), in F 123, Sammlung Prof. Morell 1937–1945, IfZ Munich (original documents in the possession of Dr. Justin MacCarthy, 608 S. Granite St., Deming, NM 88030, USA).
127. See Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206.
128. See Hamann, Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth, p. 374; Riefenstahl, Memoiren, p. 394.
129. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 87.
130. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, pp. 105–106.
131. See ibid., p. 106.
132. Cf. Katz, Theo Morell, pp. 169 and 287. Katz declares that this claim is one of the “many stupid stories” in Speer’s Inside the Third Reich.
133. Ilse Hess to Carla Leitgen, n.p., February 3, 1938 (carbon copy), in Rudolf Hess Papers, J 1211 (–) 1993/300, vol. 9, file 111, Swiss Federal Archives, Bern.
134. See Theodor Morell, 1944 calendar (entry of January 8: “Call [… ] Miss Eva”), in Theodor Morell Papers, N 1438/2, BA Koblenz.
135. See Katz, Theo Morell, p. 253.
136. Thus Morell, while staying on the Obersalzberg on April 20, 1943, noted that Hitler had begun an evening “Enterofagos treatment” and “Eva Braun likewise”; see David Irving, Die geheimen Tagebucher des Dr. Morell: Leibarzt Adolf Hitlers (Munich, 1983), p. 123).
137. Junge, Bis zur letzten Stunde, p. 133. The historian Percy Ernst Schramm also noted, during the questioning of Hitler’s doctors after the war, under the keyword “Eva Braun”: “disapproved of Morell.” “Originalnotizen von P. E. Schramm uber Hitler, gemacht wahrend der Befragungen von Hitlers Leibarzten. Haus ‘Alaska’, d. h. Altersheim fur Lehrerinnen im Taunus, Sommer 1945 in USA-Kriegsgefangenschaft,” in Kl. Erwerb. 441–3, p. 169, BA Koblenz.
138. Brandt emphasized after the war his “disapproving sense of Morell as a person and as a doctor.” Morell was, in Brandt’s view, incompetent as a scientist and “himself practically uninvolved” in such procedures; see Karl Brandt, “Theo Morell,” September 19, 1945 (Haus “Alaska” in Taunus as an American prisoner of war, summer 1945), in Kl. Erwerbungen 441–3 (copy), pp. 61f., BA Koblenz.
139. See Schmidt, Karl Brandt, pp. 492ff.
140. Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 50.
141. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 81.
142. Quoted from Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 180. See also Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Verfuhrung und Gewalt: Deutschland 1933–1945 (Berlin, 1986), pp. 69 and 95. In any case, there was already talk of “our Fuhrer” since the fall of 1921 in the Volkischer
