in Italy. To be sure, the Italians lacked a central power of gradually growing, and ultimately towering, importance, such as Germany in the making possessed in Prussia. But as German unification was primarily opposed by France and Austria as true enemies, so likewise did the Italian unification movement also have to suffer most under these two powers. The chief cause, of course, lay with the Habsburg State which must have and did have a vital interest in the maintenance of Italy’s internal dismemberment. Since a State of the size of Austria-Hungary is unthinkable without direct access to the sea, and the only territory which could be considered for this — at least in regard to its cities — was inhabited by Italians, Austria necessarily disapprovingly opposed the rise of a united Italian State for fear of the possible loss of this territory in case of the founding of an Italian national State. At that time even the boldest political aim of the Italian Folk could lie only in its national unification. This then perforce also conditioned the foreign policy attitude. Hence as Italian unification [that through Savoys]
slowly took shape, Cavour, its brilliant great statesman, utilised all possibilities which could serve this particular aim. Italy owes the possibility of her unification to an extraordinarily cleverly chosen alliance policy. Its aim was primarily to bring about the paralysis of the chief enemy of unification, Austria-Hungary, indeed finally to induce this State to leave the north Italian provinces. Withal, even after the conclusion of the provisional unification of Italy, there were more than 800000 Italians in Austria-Hungary alone. The national aim of the further unification of people of Italian nationality was at first bound to undergo a postponement when, for the first time, there began to arise the dangers of an Italian French estrangement. Italy decided to enter the Triple Alliance, chiefly in order to gain time for her inner consolidation.
The World War at last brought Italy into the camp of the Entente for reasons that I have already discussed.
Thereby Italian unity had been carried a powerful step forward. Even today, however, it is not yet completed.
For the Italian State, though, the great event was the elimination of the hated Habsburg empire. To be sure, its place was taken by a Southern Slav structure which already presented a danger hardly less great for Italy on the basis of general national viewpoints.
For just as little as the bourgeois national and purely border policy conception in Germany could in the long run satisfy our Folk’s vital needs, equally little could the purely bourgeois national unification policy of the Italian State satisfy the Italian Folk.
Like the German Folk, the Italian Folk lives on a small soil surface which in part is scantily fertile. For centuries, indeed many centuries, this overpopulation has forced Italy to a permanent export of people. Even though a great part of these emigrants, as seasonal labourers, return to Italy in order to live there on their savings, this leads more than ever to a further aggravation of the situation. Not only is the population problem not solved thereby, but it is sharpened rather. Just as Germany through her export of goods fell into a state of dependence on the ability, potentiality and willingness of other powers and countries to receive these goods, likewise and exactly did Italy with her export of people. In both cases a closing of the receiving market, resulting from events of any kind whatsoever, perforce led to catastrophic consequences within these countries.
Hence Italy’s attempt to master the problem of sustenance through an increase of her industrial activity cannot lead to any ultimate success because, at the outset, the lack of natural raw materials in the Italian Motherland robs her in great measure of the required ability to compete.
Just as in Italy the conceptions of a formal bourgeois national policy are being overcome and a Folkish feeling of responsibility is taking its place, likewise will this State also be forced to deviate from its former political conceptions in order to turn to a territorial policy on a grand scale.
The shore basins of the Mediterranean Sea constitute, and hence remain, the natural area of Italian expansion.
The more presentday Italy departs from her former unification policy and goes over to an imperialist policy, the more will she fall into the ways of ancient Rome, not out of any presumption to power, but out of deep, internal necessities. If today Germany seeks soil in Eastern Europe, this is not the sign of an extravagant hunger for power, but only the consequence of her need for territory. And if today Italy seeks to enlarge her influence on the shores of the Mediterranean basin and ultimately aims to establish colonies, it is also only the release ensuing from sheer necessity, out of a natural defence of interests. If the German pre War policy had not been struck with total blindness, it would necessarily have supported and fostered this development with every means. Not only because it would have meant a natural strengthening of an ally, but because it might perhaps have offered the only possibility of drawing Italian interests away from the Adriatic Sea and thereby lessened the sources of irritation with Austria- Hungary. Such a policy, in addition, would have stiffened the most natural enmity which can ever exist, namely that between Italy and France, the repercussions of which would have strengthened the Triple Alliance in a favourable sense.
It was Germany’s misfortune that at that time not only did the Reich leadership flatly fail in this respect, but that, above all, public opinion — led on by insane German national patriots and foreign policy dreamers — took a stand against Italy. Especially, moreover, for the reason that Austria discovered something unfriendly about the Italian operation in Tripoli. At that time, however, it appertained to the political wisdom of our national bourgeoisie to back every stupidity or baseness of Viennese diplomacy, indeed if possible to undertake stupid and base acts itself, in order thereby to demonstrate the inner harmony and solidarity of this cordial alliance before the world in the best possible way.
Now Austria-Hungary is wiped out. But Germany has even less cause than before to regret a development of Italy which one day must necessarily proceed at the expense of France. For the more presentday Italy discovers her highest Folkish tasks, and the more, accordingly, she goes over to a territorial policy conceived along Roman lines, the more must she run into the opposition of her greatest competitor in the Mediterranean Sea, France.
France will never tolerate Italy’s becoming the leading power in the Mediterranean. She will try to prevent this, either through her own strength, or through a system of alliances. France will lay obstacles in the path of Italy’s development wherever possible, and finally she will not shrink from recourse to violence. Even the so called kinship of these two Latin nations will change nothing on this score, for it is no closer than the kinship between England and Germany.
On top of that, in proportion as France declines in her own Folk’s power, this State proceeds to the opening up of her reservoir of niggers. Thus a danger of unimaginable proportions draws near for Europe. The idea of French niggers, who can contaminate white blood, on the Rhine as cultural guards against Germany, is so monstrous that it would have been regarded as completely impossible only a few decades ago. Surely France itself would suffer the greatest harm through this blood pollution, but only if the other European nations remain conscious of the value of their white race. Viewed in purely military terms, France can very well supplement her European formations, and, as the World War has shown, also commit them effectively. Finally, this completely non French nigger army indeed vouchsafes a certain defence against communist demonstrations, since utter subordination in all situations will be easier to preserve in an army which is not at all linked by blood to the French Folk. This development entails its greatest danger for Italy first of all. If the Italian Folk wants to shape its future according to its own interests, it will ultimately have nigger armies, mobilised by France, as its enemy. Thus it cannot in the least lie in Italy’s interest to be in a state of enmity with Germany, something which even in the best of cases cannot make a profitable contribution to the shaping of Italian life in the future. On the contrary, if any State can finally bury war enmity, this State is Italy. Italy has no inherent interest in a further oppression of Germany if, for the future, both States want to attend to their most natural tasks.
Bismarck had already perceived this fortunate circumstance. More than once did he confirm the complete parallel between German and Italian interests. It was he who even then pointed out that the Italy of the future must seek her development on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and it was he who further ascertained the harmony of German and Italian interests by stressing that only France could think of disturbing this shaping of Italian life, whereas Germany was bound to welcome it from her viewpoint. Actually in the whole future he sees no necessary cause for an estrangement, let alone enmity, between Italy and Germany. If Bismarck rather than Bethmann Hollweg had guided Germany’s destiny before the World War, indeed, even this terrible enmity, incurred only on account of Austria, would never have come to pass.
Moreover, with Italy as with England, it is a positive fact that a continental expansion of Germany in Northern Europe is no threat, and thereby can give no cause for an estrangement by Italy against Germany. Conversely, for Italy the most natural interests speak against any further increase of French hegemony in Europe.
Hence Italy, above all, would warrant consideration in terms of an alliance relation with Germany.
