here 93.
3. Weber, 83.
4. It had, in effect, to be a ‘resistance of servants of the state’ (‘Widerstand der Staatsdiener’). Hans Mommsen, ‘Der Widerstand gegen Hitler und die deutsche Gesellschaft’, in Jurgen Schmadeke and Peter Steinbach (eds.), Der Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus. Die deutsche Gesellschaft und der Widerstand gegen Hitler, Munich, (1985), 1986, 9.
5. See Carl Dirks and Karl-Heinz Jan?en, Der Krieg der Generale. Hitler als Werkzeug der Wehrmacht, Berlin, 1999, ch.1.
6. Akten der Reichskanzlei. Die Regierung Hitler. Teil I, 1933/34, Karl-Heinz Minuth, Boppard am Rhein, 1989, i.50; trans. Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918–1945, Series C (1933–1937). The Third Reich: First Phase, London, 1957–66 (=DGFP), C, 1, 37, No.16.
7. Hans Muller (ed.), Katholische Kirche und Nationalsozialismus, Munich, 1965, 88–9, Kundgebung der Fuldaer Bischofskonferenz vom 28.3.1933. And see Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde, ‘Der deutsche Katholizismus in Jahre 1933. Eine kritische Betrachtung’, Hochland, 53 (1960– 61), 215–39; Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde, ‘Der deutsche Katholizismus im Jahre 1933. Stellungnahme zu einer Diskussion’, Hochland, 54 (1961–2), 217–45; and Hans Buchheim, ‘Der deutsche Katholizismus im Jahr 1933’, Hochland, 53 (1960–61), 497–515.
8. Guenter Lewy, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany, London, 1964, 206.
9. Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands 1914– 1940, 7 vols., Frankfurt am Main, 1980 (=DBS), iii. 308, 2 April 1936, report for March 1936. See also Bernd Stover, Volksgemeinschaft im Dritten Reich. Die Konsensbereitschaft der Deutschen aus der Sicht sozialistischer Exilberichte, Dusseldorf, 1993, 182–3, 303.
10. In 1933, the first 100,000 ‘Volksempfanger were put on the market. By the end of 1939, three and a half million had been sold, and almost three-quarters of German households possessed a wireless set. (Z. A. B. Zeman, Nazi Propaganda, Oxford, (1964), 1973, 49.)
11. See Hermann Wei?, ‘Ideologie der Freizeit im Dritten Reich. Die NS-Gemeinschaft “Kraft durch Freude”’, Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte, 33 (1993), 289–303.
12. Ulrich Herbert, ‘Good Times, Bad Times: Memories of the Third Reich’, in Richard Bessel (ed.), Life in the Third Reich, Oxford, 1987, 97–110.
13. DBS, iii.308, 2 April 1936, report for March 1936.
14. See, on this point, Martin Broszat, ‘Soziale Motivation und Fuhrer-Bindung des Nationalsozialismus’, Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte (VfZ), 18 (1970), 392–409.
15. See Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1961.
16. Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 2 vols., Vienna/Munich, 1918–22 (English translation published in New York, 1926). And see Michael Biddis, ‘History as Destiny: Gobineau, H. S. Chamberlain, and Spengler’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th Series, 7 (1997), 73–100, here especially 87–97.
17. See, for example, George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology. Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, (1964), London, 1966, Part III; Detlev J. K. Peukert, Die Weimarer Republik. Krisen-jahre der Klassischen Moderne, Frankfurt am Main, 1987, especially ch.9; and Michael H. Kater, Different Drummers: Jazz in the Culture of Nazi Germany, New York/Oxford, 1992.
18. See the strains of such a mentality in Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik, 3rd edn, Munich, 1992; and the cultural framework for such thought in Peter Gay, Weimar Culture. The Outsider as Insider, (1968), London, 1988, ch.4.
19. For a reassessment of the scale of antisemitic violence during the Weimar Republic, see Dirk Walter, Antisemitische Kriminalitat und Gewalt. Judenfeindschaft in der Weimarer Republik, Bonn, 1999. Donald L. Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany, Baton Rouge, 1980, ch.III, emphasizes, rather, the exceptionality of violence, but the prevalence (if uneven in manifestation) of anti-Jewish prejudice. Sarah Gordon, Hitler, Germans, and the ‘Jewish Question’, Princeton, 1984, ch.1–2, also plays down the extent of anti-Jewish violence and the role of antisemitism in the rise of Nazism. Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust, New York, 1997, ch. 1–3, in a highly contentious interpretation, sees ‘eliminatory’ antisemitism as ubiquitous in Germany already in the nineteenth century and the Weimar Republic as a logical continuation and accentuation of pre- existing proto-genocidal traits widespread in German society.
20. For Hitler’s first written statement on antisemitism, in September 1919, see Eberhard Jackel and Axel Kuhn (eds.), Hitler. Samtliche Aufzeichnungen 1905–1924, Stuttgart, 1980, 88–90.
21. See Woodruff D. Smith, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, New York/Oxford, 1986.
22. See Dirks and Jan?en, ch.1; and Karl-Heinz Jan?en, ‘Politische und militarische Zielvorstel-lungen der Wehrmachtfuhrung’, in Rolf-Dieter Muller and Hans-Erich Volkmann (eds.), Die Wehrmacht: Mythos und Realitat, Munich, 1999, 75–84.
CHAPTER 1: CEASELESS RADICALIZATION
1. See Gerhard L. Weinberg, The Foreign Policy of Hitler’s Germany, vol.i, Diplomatic Revolution in Europe, 1933–36, Chicago/London, 1970, (= Weinberg I), ch.11.
2. DGFP, C, V, 355–63, No.242; Paul Schmidt, Statist auf diplomatischer Buhne 1923–45. Erlebnisse des Chefdolmetschers im Auswartigen Amt mit den Staatsmannern Europas, Bonn, 1953, 329–30, 332–4 (where Schmidt misdates the flight to London to present the plan to the end of April, not March); Domarus, 617–18.
3. Weinberg I, 254–7.
4. DGFP, C, V, 514, No.312; Schmidt, 334–5.
5. See Weinberg I, 272–3.
6. Thomas Jones, A Diary with Letters, 1931–19 50, Oxford, 1954, 191 (30 April 1936).
7. Domarus, 621 and n.121.
8. Heinz Hohne, Die Zeit der Illusionen. Hitler und die Anfange des 3. Reiches 1933 bis 1936, Dusseldorf/Vienna/New York, 1991, 347; Richard D. Mandell, The Nazi Olympics, London, 1972, 93–4, 142–3.
9. Hohne, 345.
10. Albert Speer, Erinnerungen, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin, 1969, 94, where the architect’s name is mistakenly given as Otto March (the father of Werner).
11. Arnd Kruger, Die Olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung, Berlin, 1972, 63; Mandell, 39, 125 (where it is pointed out that the stadium was only a twentieth of the enormous sporting complex, of a size equivalent to that of the city of Berlin itself in the late seventeenth century), 292.
12. Mandell, 141–50.
13. See Leni Riefenstahl, A Memoir, New York, 1993, 190–206. For a description of the film, Olympiade, see David Welch, Propaganda and the German Cinema, 1933–1945, Oxford, 1983, 112–21.
14. Mandell, 227–9; Riefenstahl, 193.
15. Baldur von Schirach, Ich glaubte an Hitler, Hamburg, 1967, 217–18.
16. Chips. The Diaries of Sir Henry Channon, ed. Robert Rhodes James, London, 1967, 110–11. See also Joachim von Ribbentrop, The Ribbentrop Memoirs, London, 1954,
