proving ground. It embowered and empowered them. It delivered them from soot, squalor, impotence, loneliness. Here they found what Gavrilo Princip-assassin of the Archduke, disciple of Nietzsche-had invoked when he swore the Black Hand oath: 'the sun that warms… the earth that nourishes…'
***
And the sun shone on, over Bad Ischl with its hills and parks but no longer with its Emperor Franz Joseph. On July 27 he settled down to the last official act he was to perform in his Alpine villa. He revised the 'Manifesto to My Peoples' written in his name. From a phrase characterizing Serbia he deleted 'blind insolence.' He struck the words 'inspired by traditions of a glorious past' from a sentence describing the Empire's armed forces. The same day he had said to General Conrad: 'If the monarchy goes under, let it go under with dignity.' If war must be proclaimed to his peoples, let it be a proclamation without bathos.
Karl Kraus, the scourge of verbiage, was awed by the proclamation. He called it, 'An august statement… a poem.'
To the end Franz Joseph remained the steward of Imperial taste. Now the end was close.
On the morning of July 29, he left Ischl for Vienna, never to return. On August 6, when war was declared between Austria and Russia, he quietly removed from his uniform a decoration he had worn for sixty-five years: the Cross of St. George, Third Class, conferred on him in 1849 by Tsar Nicholas I. For the twenty-six months that were left of his life, he never stirred from Schonbrunn Palace.
The disorder he had sought to cure after Sarajevo had lapsed yet further into an unforeseen disarray, into a derangement whose wild pyrotechnics dazzled Europe. The librettos of his Foreign Minister had been exploded; the populace applauded the glow of the fragments. Machine guns were beginning to perforate the bows and hand- kisses of the stage Franz Joseph had commanded for two thirds of a century. But the bowers of bows and the kissers of hands did not know yet that they were bleeding. All they felt was a thrill and a tingle.
Franz Joseph felt something more final. A change in the Emperor's will detailed how his descendants would receive his fortune, should the family lose the crown. The last principal of the Habsburg drama prepared to retreat into the wings.
His retirement was partial and discreet. Other exits had official character. Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador to Austria, turned out to be the last Western diplomat to leave the capital. On August 12, he made this sad statement to Foreign Minister Count von Berchtold: 'As of twelve o'clock tonight, Great Britain and Austria will be in a state of war.' Berchtold, ever the gentleman, bowed and assured His Excellency that 'though Austria must accept this challenge, the two states are still associated politically and morally by tradition and sympathies and common interests.'
Two days later, on August 14, the Ambassador and his wife left their residence for the West Railroad Terminal where Berchtold had arranged a private salon train for them, bound for neutral Switzerland.
Much of the town's anti-Allied anger had dissipated, though it had not lost its patriotic exhilaration. The de Bunsens encountered no hostility. They were accompanied by police in dress uniform, resembling an honor guard, and by their own wistful thoughts. It was hard to say good-bye to this city. Eight months ago they had taken up their posts, in December of 1913, during the swirl of the social season. They had leased a castle from Count Hoyos, 'a dream of beauty,' according to Lady de Bunsen's diary. The whole Danubian ambiance had enchanted them, especially Vienna's carnival, which had begun shortly after their arrival. 'The mise-en-scene,' Lady de Bunsen had mused of these revels, 'was wonderful.'
And now, as they departed, the mise-en-scene maintained its wonder. On the way to their train they met an artillery regiment also en route to a railway station. Green sprigs bounced from the kepis of the soldiers, roses garlanded the cannons, a band lilted the 'Radetzky March,' the march that is more polka than march. Housewives waved kerchiefs from windows, children skipped along, girls popped sweets into the recruits' pockets, all prancing and laughing and never missing a single musical beat. It was an alfresco dance, festive with sun, sporting happy masks.
Of course similar scenes enlivened other capitals as well. They sparkled on the Champs Elysees, at Picadilly Circus, along the Nevsky Prospekt, and up and down the Wilhelmstrasse. But Vienna-origin of this great international midsummer frolic-Vienna out-waltzed friend and foe alike in celebration.
The World War had come to the city by the Danube, dressed as a ball. Tra-la… Hurrah!..
Afterword
ON OCTOBER 28, 1914, THE SARAJEVO DISTRICT COURT SENTENCED Gavrilo Princip to twenty years of hard labor, with a fast once a month; one day a year-June 28, the date of the assassination-he was to spend on a hard bed in a darkened cell. The same sentence was imposed on Trifko Graben and Nedeljko Cabrinovic. These three were under-age for the death penalty. Danilo Ilk, the oldest of the team, was sentenced to be hanged.
Ilic was executed on February 3, 1915. Princip, Graben, and Cabrinovic were removed to the Bohemian fortress at Theresienstadt (later site of the concentration camp under the Third Reich). At Theresienstadt, Cabrinovic died on January 23, 1916, of tuberculosis. Graben died here, also of tuberculosis, on October 21, 1916. Princip died in Theresienstadt of the same disease on April 28, 1918. It is probable that malnutrition and prison conditions contributed to these young deaths.
On a wall of Princip's cell, the following lines were found, written in pencil:
Our ghosts will walk through Vienna And roam through the Palace Frightening the Lords.
Afterword to the Da Capo edition
WHEN I FINISHED THESE PAGES IN 1989, THE BALKAN MAP REVEALED only half of the devastating truth in Max Weber's observation: 'History is a web of unintended circumstances.' In response to the assassination of archduke Franz Ferdinand by the Serb Gavrilo Princip in 1914, Austria intended to uphold the honor and integrity of its realm by declaring war on Serbia. Consequence: By 1918, the Hapsburg empire lay shattered into jagged pieces.
Princip's intention, on the other hand, seemed to have prospered. The bullet he put through the archduke's neck did more than punish an Austrian oppressor; it kindled the global conflagration whose aftermath saw the South Slavs unite into one country. Yugoslavia, Princip's dream, emerged from the slaughter as a breathing reality. During World War II the Nazis abrogated it briefly. In 1946 it revived, continued on under communism, and persisted after Tito's death into the late 1980s.
But soon after 1989-the year of this book's publication-history dropped the other shoe. With cannon and sniper it began to disembowel Princip's utopia.
Today, in 2001, Yugoslavia is a minefield rather than a country. It consists of Serbia in turmoil clutching a simmering Montenegro. Slovenia, Croatia, and Macedonia have fought themselves apart into separate states. The province of Kosovo is an explosive U.N. protectorate. Two adversarial entities-one Muslim, one Serb-form Bosnia, each with its own parlia ment, police, and army. Croat troops ruined much of the Gravoho valley where Princip first brooded over his Pan-Slav ideals.
In the course of the last century, a pageant of the futilities Max Weber had in mind has moved past the corner of Appel Quai and Rudolf Street in Sarajevo. Here on a bright June morning in 1914 the two most fateful pistol shots of all time rang out. After the deed, Austria erected here a column in honor of the slain archduke. This yielded to a memorial to the slayer, put up by postwar Yugoslavia: The spot where Princip had pointed his weapon was marked, Hollywood-fashion, by footprints sunk in concrete. They celebrated Gavrilo Princip as megastar of Serb valor. Then, in 1997, the Muslim-dominated municipality of Sarajevo, hostile to all Serb insignia, used a jackhammer to pulverize Princip's sidewalk immortality.
One irony succeeds another. For what authority will prevent Serbs from avenging this insult to Princip's remembrance? It is the office of the High Representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina, instituted by the international community of fifty-five nations signing the Dayton Peace Accord in 1995. And who enforces the directives of the High Representative to keep the peace among ethnic strains and to establish democracy in Bosnia? A contingent of 25,000 NATO-led troops. Its headquarters are located in Ilidze, near Sarajevo, bristling with barbed wire and sandbag revetments. In 1914 this very building, then known as the Hotel Bosna, was the final lodging of the archduke and his wife before their murder the next morning. The landscape teems with paradoxes.
Not least among them is the background of Wolfgang Petritsch, the High Representative himself, appointed on the eighty-sixth anniversary of Franz Ferdinand's assassination. He has the power to dismiss Bosnian officials high or low and to dissolve parliament. His job before his present position was as Vienna's ambassador to Belgrade. He is, of all things, one of Austria's most brilliant diplomats. Letters threatening his life are often addressed to 'His Honor Franz Ferdinand Petritsch.'
