Balance of Power

    We have all sorts of excuses, Kilcannon went on, beginning with cost, as to why our schools are failing, our health care flawed, our chances in life unequal, and the world unsafe. But we have no excuse for the death of a Mae Morgan, when saving her life would have cost us next to nothing . . .

    'Will it be 'Mae Morgan's Law,' ' Bill Campton wondered aloud. 'Or 'Marie's Law'?'

* * *

    'Next to nothing,' Kilcannon repeated softly. 'Like John Bowden, Mae Morgan's husband was a batterer. Unlike John Bowden, he bought his gun from a licensed dealer after passing a background check.

    'How? Because under 'existing law,' Congress has failed to allocate sufficient money to allow most jurisdictions to enter domestic violence convictions into a computer—in this case, the government of our nation's capital, where the records of Samuel Morgan's spousal abuse languished in a cardboard box . . .'

    With a small smile, Hampton turned to Vic Coletti. 'Think we'll be hearing quite as much from Fasano about the virtues of 'existing law'?'

    Coletti looked uncomfortable. 'The President's doing what he needs to—reframe the debate. I just hope he doesn't sink my constituents who work at Lexington Arms.'

    On the podium, Kilcannon's voice was tinged with scorn. 'Where 'existing law' is not riddled with loopholes and exceptions, those who argue for its enforcement have done their best to make it unenforceable.

    'In theory, 'existing law' prevents licensed dealers from selling to those convicted of felonies or violent misdemeanors, spousal abuses, drug offenses, and the adjudicated mentally ill.

    'Under 'existing law,' half the states have entered less than sixty percent of all criminal convictions into their computer systems.

    'Under 'existing law,' thirteen states have never recorded a single domestic violence restraining order.

    'Under 'existing law,' almost no state has automated records of those incarcerated for mental illness.

    'Under 'existing law,' illegal aliens—including Islamic terrorists—can and have bought weapons to use against us.'

    Kilcannon paused, and then finished pointedly. 'And even though alcohol is a leading cause of gun homicides, under 'existing law' even those convicted of multiple DUIs are allowed to buy a weapon . . .'

    'That was the alcohol lobby,' Coletti murmured to Chuck Hampton. 'One of their better efforts.'

    'And one of our more craven,' Hampton replied.

    ' 'Existing law,' ' Kilcannon said succinctly, 'exists in defiance of common sense.'

* * *

'I don't need this,' Cassie Rollins whispered to Chad Palmer.

Palmer suppressed a smile. 'Does Fasano?' he whispered back.

    Above them, Kilcannon seemed to be leaning forward, as though propelled by his own momentum. 'Common sense,' he told the Congress, 'requires a law which keeps guns away from those who pose a threat to innocent lives.

    'This is what I propose:

    'A background check on every transfer of every gun. It makes no sense to bar the dangerous and deranged from buying weapons, and then make sure that they can buy one.

    'A federally funded system for computerized background checks, effective in all fifty states. It makes no sense to bar violent felons from buying weapons if we don't know who they are.

    'A law requiring that we retain the records of all background checks. It makes no sense that law enforcement could trace the purchase of fertilizer to Timothy McVeigh, but not the purchase of a weapon.'

    Kilcannon's delivery was staccato now. Palmer watched his fellow legislators—jaded though many were— become caught up in the rhythm of his words.

    'A ban on all high-capacity magazines and cop-killer bullets. It makes no sense to treat weapons suited to the mass slaughter of the innocent as a household tool of self-defense . . .'

    The gallery stood, emitting a cry of approval, and suddenly the Democratic congressmen and senators were on their feet. Watching, the President briefly nodded.

* * *

'Look at the little demagogue,' Harshman murmured to Fasano.

    Fasano glanced at him sharply. 'You look at him, Paul. When you chose to read that letter aloud, you teed this up for him.'

    He turned back to appraise the President. This time, Fasano noted, Kilcannon had let the roar subside, speaking softly into the silence. 'More funding,' the President continued, 'to prosecute all those committing gun crimes. It makes no sense to say that we should enforce 'existing law,' and then ensure that we lack the resources to enforce it.

    'Full funding for the Centers for Disease Control to conduct research regarding the impact of violence on public health. It makes no sense to do this for accidents involving cars and then cut every dime of funding—as Congress has—to suppress the truth about the causes and costs of deaths and injuries involving guns.'

    This time Fasano said nothing to Senator Harshman. He did not need to—it was Harshman who had stripped the CDC of funding at the behest of the SSA.

    'Finally,' the President concluded, 'mandatory safety locks on every new gun sold, including combination locks which keep guns from being fired by someone other than the owner. It makes no sense to protect children from design flaws in toy guns and candy cigarettes, and do nothing to prevent them from killing themselves—or being killed—by real guns.'

* * *

    'Eighty-six percent.' In her elation, Kit Pace grinned at Clayton. 'You win.'

    Clayton nodded. In close-up, Kerry appeared relaxed now, more confident than Clayton had ever seen him.

    Let me be clear, Kerry was saying in the gentle lilt that, to Clayton, held a trace of Irish poetry. I do not accept that violence in America is caused by guns alone. I support the right of all law-abiding citizens to own a gun for any lawful purpose. And I believe that gun owners and non–gun owners can share a common dream: to someday make deaths like these so rare that our grandchildren will learn of them with disbelief and wonder.

    Together, we can do this. I call on you to join me. I implore the Congress to act. And, for my own part, I will do my best to reach across the senseless divisions of the past.

    There is, I believe, a first step I should take . . .