Balance of Power

Lexington's greed and calculation—how they marketed to criminals, the way they developed the Eagle's Claw, why they kowtow to the SSA—then feed it to the press. I'd take George Callister's deposition and pillory him for days. It might not even get that far.

    'They're already scared of me,' Lenihan finished with absolute certainty. 'Arm me with this case, and they'll give you everything you want on gun control before they'd dare to face me in front of a jury.'

    'Lexington?' Kerry inquired softly. 'Or the SSA?'

    'Both. Do you think the SSA wants me to expose that it controls the American gun industry? Hell no.' Lenihan's own voice softened and his smile became complicit. 'I can hardly believe, Mr. President, that none of this has occurred to you.'

    Kerry shrugged. 'Perhaps I had a mental block,' he answered coolly. 'I can't quite see what this scenario has to offer you. Not money, surely—Lexington's nowhere near as rich as Philip Morris.'

'True,' Lenihan rejoined, 'but there's a certain moral equivalency.

    'You nailed it last night—guns and tobacco are the only two products in America not regulated for consumer safety. We can't even get safety locks, which is why six-year-olds blow their playmates' brains out by accident, and sixteen-year-olds commit suicide with someone else's gun.' Lenihan's voice became stentorian. 'I've got all the money I need, Mr. President. This is about morality.

    'We both know these bloodsuckers market to criminals and crazies. We both know that they're perfectly aware that the fucking Lexington P-2 is a weapon of choice for drug lords.

    'How much would it have cost them to retrofit the P-2 so it wouldn't take a forty-round magazine? And wouldn't you like to see how they tested the Eagle's Claw to make sure it could shred somebody's liver? Hell, I wouldn't put it past those bastards to prop up a cadaver . . .'

    Kerry began to laugh. ' 'Morality,' Bob? Is that all?'

    'Okay.' Lenihan opened his arms in amiable capitulation. 'I'm an excitement junky, and this would be the Super Bowl of litigation. All these moving parts—Congress, the Presidency, the SSA, the media, the courtroom, human drama on a scale that would make the O. J. Simpson trial look like dinner theater in Dubuque.'

    And you, Kerry thought, pulling all these strings—including mine. Calmly, he said, 'We're talking about Mary, of course.'

    This time Lenihan's smile, confined to one corner of his mouth, never reached his eyes. 'Yes,' he answered. 'I was hoping you'd recommend me.

    'I can take on the big boys, Mr. President. With a two-hundredperson firm, we've got the bodies. All we need is Mary Costello.'

    Silent, Kerry gazed at him. 'I know Mary's talked with you,' he answered. 'As I understand from Lara—and I'm sure you understand— she's not yet prepared to embrace the rigors of a lawsuit.

    'But that's up to her. If Mary asks my advice, Bob, you can count on me to tell her that there's simply no one like you.'

    After a moment, Lenihan nodded his satisfaction. 'That's all I can ask for, Mr. President.'

    Kerry was careful not to smile.

* * *

Shortly before noon, Clayton interrupted Kerry as he prepared for a meeting on Social Security reform.

'We've lost three men in the Sudan,' Clayton told him.

    Three soldiers, Kerry thought. Not fifty thousand, as in Vietnam. But three more grieving families to console, three more lives lost as a consequence of his orders.

    Kerry put down his briefing book. 'Are they flying the bodies into Ramstein?' he asked.

    'Yes. We're getting the contact information for the families and, as we can, any plans for funerals or memorial services. Kit's drafting a statement now.'

    'I'll want to deliver it myself. And get me everything you can about those soldiers. When I call, their survivors should almost feel as though I knew them. At least as much as possible.' Looking up at Clayton, Kerry added quietly, 'I'd be a lousy wartime President, Clayton. I hate death far too much.'

    Slowly, Clayton nodded. 'Speaking of which,' he asked after a moment, 'how was your meeting with Lenihan?'

    'Much as I expected. He congratulated me on loading the dice against Lexington in Mary's future wrongful death action. I felt like Dr. Frankenstein, sitting in the Oval Office with a monster of my own creation.'

    'A large and powerful monster,' Clayton amended, 'who's placed millions of dollars at the disposal of the Democratic Party, and whose trade association of trial lawyers is looking for a way to maintain their influence in the brave new world of campaign finance reform. A monster to be handled with care.' He smiled slightly. 'But a very useful monster, in his place. As you told me just two days ago.'

    ' 'In his place,' ' Kerry answered. 'That's the key.'

    Clayton considered this. 'Will Mary sue?' he asked.

    'Lara thinks so, in the end. But this lawsuit is only as good for our purposes as our ability to influence the way it's run.

    'Lenihan wants glory—and, no matter what he says, money. I want to transform our public policy regarding guns. I can't count on Bob to know his place.'

    Clayton sat down. 'I telephoned the Kilcannon Center, as you asked. They've brought on Sarah Dash—the lawyer who represented Mary Ann Tierney in the abortion case—to handle any litigation against gun companies.'

    Kerry nodded. 'I can't elbow Lenihan aside—too delicate, and he brings some real weapons to a lawsuit. But perhaps we could induce Mary to engage a cocounsel. The Kilcannon Center is extremely well funded, and, other than by surname, I have no connection to them whatsoever. But they'd no doubt be more sensitive than Lenihan to what we want . . .'

    'Sensitive? Or malleable?'

    'That, too. After all, the Center was founded by my brother's key supporters as a memorial to the causes he embraced.' Pausing, Kerry added mordantly, 'Many of those people still see me as a memorial with a pulse— certainly not Jamie, but all the DNA that's left. They'll go along.'

    Clayton reflected. 'Before you ask them,' he admonished, 'you'd better figure out how. As well as how you intend to try to control this lawsuit.'

    'Not directly.' Kerry's voice softened. 'That's among the many lessons of my mishandling of John Bowden. Today's meeting with Lenihan is potential evidence. If I were to become a witness in Mary's lawsuit— which I very well might be—I could be cross-examined about it. So no more meetings with her prospective lawyers. I don't want my fingerprints on this one.'

    Gazing out the window, Clayton pondered this. 'Lara?' he asked.

FOURTEEN

The following Monday brought a fresh outburst of violence between Israel and the PLO and, for Kerry Kilcannon, a vexing reminder of the limits of his power. He considered the leader of the PLO to be treacherous and a liar; the Israeli Prime Minister to be obdurate and obtuse; and neither of them willing to urge upon their people the steps