40 лет Санкт-Петербургской типологической школе

actional passive is compatible with time adverbials and adverbial phrases which are precise indications of the temporal interval relative to the preceding event and place markers ((10), (11)) whereas the resultative state is compatible with those which mark duration (12) or iterativity.

Bulgarian

(10) Navremeto toj bil izpraten ot vujco si <…> da

at time.the he was send.PPP.SG.M of uncle REFL.DAT DA

sledva v Moskva

study.PRES-3SG in Moscow

«At that time, he was sent by his uncle to study in Moscow».

Russian (quoted by [Knjazev 1988: 351])

(11) Vsesteny, bojnicy, krysy,<…> v scitannye sekundy byli all walls loop.holes roofs in count.PF.PPP seconds were zapolneny soldatami i kazakami

occupy.PF.PPP soldiers.INSTR and Cossacks.INSTR

«Within a few seconds all the walls, loop-holes, roofs, minaret balconies and even the dome of the mosque had been occupied by soldiers and Cossacks».

(12) Vsego 45 minut by I vkljuce-n teleskop,

in total 45 minutes was switch.on.PF-PPP telescope

a podgotovka к eksperimentu potrebovala vos'mi casov.

«It was only for 45 minutes that the telescope was switched on, whereas the preparation for the experiment had taken about eight hours».

It is well known that Polish is the only Slavic language which has two auxiliaries to form the periphrastic passive voice: the zostac passive which imposes a perfective participle and whose meaning is characterised as «actional», and the «be»-passive, which allows both the perfective participle and the imperfective and which, depending on the context, may take on either a so-called stative meaning or a so-called actional meaning:

(13a) Pokoj zostal pomalowany w zeszlym roku /*dva razy

room became paint.PF.PPP.SG.M in last year/ two times

«The room was painted last year».

(13b) *Pokoj zostal malowany w zeszlym roku

room became paint.IMPF.PPP.SG.M in last year

(13c) Pokoj bil pomalowany w zeszlym roku / dvarazy

room was paint.PF.PPP.SG.M in last year / two times

«The room was only painted last year» / «The room was painted last year twice».

(13d) Pokoj bil malowany w zeszlym roku

room was paint.IMPF.PPP.SG.M in last year

«The room was painted last year».

Siewierska [1984: 129, 1988: 251] notes that recourse to (13c) implies that the room needs repainting, whereas (13a) does not. If one admits that the passive resultative state determines a property of the patient while at the same time implying a preceding event, and if one takes into account the meaning of zostac «to become», one easily understands that such inferences may be made. Zostac directly links the resultative state to the event serving to highlight the transitional character of the event and to state that the patient's property has been acquired prior to the act of speaking; the adverbial expression is therefore taken as included in the transitional event, which would explain why the periphrastic construction with zostac is incompatible with dva razy «two times», mnogo raz «many times», etc. On the other hand, the «be»-passive with a perfective verb gives priority to the resultative state by only referring to the implied event, leading to ambiguity as to whether the resultative state belongs to the patient (meaning a resultative state) or whether the resultative state only serves to hark back to the event at the origin of the patient's affectation. The adverbial phrase in (13a) is presented as incident to the event, which allows one to understand why iteration is permitted.

The contrast we have just evidenced between these two types of constructions clearly appears in the following two examples, in which the adverbial phrase denoting duration is only allowed in the «be» — passive:

Polish

(14a) Pies pzrez cala noc byl uwiazany na lancuchu

dog through all night was attach.PF.PPP.SG.M on chain

«All night long the dog was (stayed) attached to a chain».

(14b) Pies zostal uwiazany na lancuchu

dog became attach.PF.PPP.SG.M on chain

«The dog was attached to the chain».

(15a) Nieprzyjaciel jest pokonany

enemy is defeatPF.PPP.SG.M

«The enemy happens to be/is defeated».

(15b) Nieprzyjaciel zostal pokonany

enemy became defeatPF.PPP.SG.M

«The enemy was defeated» (lit. became defeated).

Let's go back to examples (13). The comparison between (13c) and (13d) reveals another meaning held by the «be» — passive. Only (13d) allows one to consider the situation as a statement about a general resultative state based upon a process which was simply accomplished in the past; it does not allow the iterative meaning possible in (13c). I shall come back to this point with examples taken from Bulgarian.

The classic Russian example dom postroen, which can be transposed into other Slavic languages (Bulgarian, Polish, Czech or Serbo-Croatian), will allow us to show how the distribution of the participial form is partly governed by the opposition between a stative situation and a dynamic situation and partly by the notion of completion, which is conveyed exclusively by the perfective form:

Russian

(16a) Dom postroen iz kirpica

house.NOM built.PF.PPP.SG.M of brick.GEN

«The house is made of brick».

(16b) Dom *(do six por) postroen iz kirpica

house.NOM (until now) built.PF.PPP.SG.M of brick.GEN

Lit. «The house is still built of brick».

(16c) Bol'sinstvo domov do six por postroe-n-o

most house.GEN.PL until.now built.PF-PPP-SG.NEUTER

iz kirpica

of brick.GEN

«Most houses are still made of bricks».

(16d) Dom postroen v proslom godu